This site requires Javascript to be turned on. Please enable Javascript and reload the page.

Digital Paxton: Digital Collection, Critical Edition, and Teaching Platform

Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764)

Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."

Transcription and translation by Katherine Carté. Permissions courtesy of the Moravian Archives of Bethlehem.

Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage. 1764

January 4: In the evening, Br. Schmick held the evening service, during which gathering Br. David Zeisberger came as an Express from the city with the news that we should go this night from here to Philadelphia, and from there be brought to New York to Sir William Johnson. We made this news known to our Indian brothers and sisters immediately, as well as that they should ready themselves to travel because we were no longer safe here. Our dear Indians were very depressed over this, but it was soon all right again when they heard that they would be cared for further, so that no harm might come to them. So we packed our things together, took what we could carry in an emergency, and left the rest, which should be picked up tomorrow. We set out at midnight, and ~~went~~ were taken by a Flat Boat and two others to Jacob Weissen’s land, where we found Br. Ludwig Weiss, as well as Jacob Weiss, who were very helpful to us so that we could continue on. We loaded a cart and wagon with the blind, sick, and children, also Sr. Grube, and went five miles to Philadelphia, where we arrived safely on...

January 5: ... at 7 o’clock at the Brethren’s House, were welcomed by the Philadelphia Brethren with much love, and treated with a Love Feast. We went very quietly through the city, so that a pair of guards hardly observed us. Br. Schmick, with his wife and child, remained on the island and planned to come to the city in the morning with the remaining baggage. Mr. Fox, the Commissioner, also came to the Brethren’s House and saw in what an orderly fashion the Indians sat in the Gemein Saal and held the Love Feast. He had another thirty blankets distributed among them. After we had remained in the Brethren’s House for an hour and had rested a little, we began our trip to New York. The sick, blind, old, and children, with the most necessary baggage, were brought on four wagons. The crowds of people were very large, so that we could hardly force our way through. A large number accompanied us until outside of the city. Various Brethren went a couple miles with us, as did the old Jacob, who took his leave from us with many tears. Br. Renatus’ wife was, as we came to Philadelphia, sick, and shortly afterwards, as we were on our way, bore a son. Her mother, Jamitz, remained with her. We were very happy that we had not brought her with us, otherwise she would have stopped us along the way. After we were several miles from the city, seventy Highlanders came to accompany us. At first, they acted quite wild and particularly harassed our young women folk. It was mostly high and low ranking officers who came from Pittsburgh, and had been in the last battle with the Indians. At dusk, we came to Bristol, twenty miles from Philadelphia on the Delaware. We met Mr. Fox and Mr. Logan, two of the Governor’s counselors. The soldiers all immediately went to inns, and we could not go there. Finally we found some places in the Quaker Meeting House, where we quartered half [of our party], others had to crawl in a hayloft. The sick and blind lodged in a Cooper’s Shop. They were provided with some bread and cheese that we had brought from Philadelphia. Br. Grube, with his wife, and Brs. David Zeisberger, Christensen, and John Antes found a little space in an inn. There was confusion here among a few married couples. We had much work to do before we were all safely lodged. Our dear Joh. Pepunhang, with his family, was called back by the Governor, which made us very sorry.(1)

January 6: Early in the morning, the soldiers marched out, with us behind them without breakfast. Along the way we rested a little, and each person received three ships biscuits, otherwise we had nothing to live on the whole day. We had it very hard today, like on our special festival.(2) In Trenton, we had to cross the Delaware, which was very full of ice so that we and the soldiers spent more than two hours before we came across. We encamped for a half hour afterwards, until Captain Roberson came, who brought us to the barracks, but since the barracks master was not there, we had to wait for a long time before we could receive a place where we could rest. The wood was also a difficult issue, before we could have some. Finally, we equipped ourselves a bit. Mr. Fox and Mr. Logan also took care that an ox was slaughtered and bread was baked, so that we could take some provisions along on the trip. A dear old woman came to find us when she heard that a sister from Bethlehem was in the city. Sr. Grube spent a couple hours with her; the old woman and her two daughters inquired much about Br. Schmidt and his two daughters, Sally and Molly Price, and she was very happy when she heard that her grandchildren were doing so well in the Gemeine.

January 7: Mr. Logan made a speech to our Indians in the name of the Governor about the war and the murders in Lancaster. Namely, our Indians should deliver two belts of wampum to the Six Nations from the Governor of Pennsylvania, so that they should make peace because they had started the war without cause. item: the Governor sends two pieces black cloth and a few handkerchiefs to the [friends] of the murdered Indians in Lancaster, to put on the graves and to dry their eyes, and that the Governor wanted to punish the perpetrators, etc. etc. After the speech, our Indians took their leave of these two gentlemen and had them thank the Honorable Governor on their behalf for all the good he had shown them in this time. I wrote, with Mr. Fox, to Philadelphia. We then returned to our road in the company of Mr. Epty and came in the evening to Princeton, a comfortable spot where there is pretty college, which 130 students attend. There was soon a big crowd of young people, yet they behaved very discreetly. Mr. Daniel Billisko had ridden ahead of us with the passport from Governor Franklin and secured quarters for us with Justus Kennert, a nice man who brought us from the city to his farm for lodging. The space was much too small, yet it worked in a pinch. A student from the college made himself busy with our Indians, because he could speak Mahikan with them, which he had learned in Stockbridge. Br. Grube held the evening service tonight in three places. He and his wife lodged with a minister’s widow, who was very friendly. Today our journey proceeded very well, because we received six wagons from Trenton. The wagon drivers were also particularly good to us.

January 8 [symbol for Sunday]: We left again at 8 o’clock and arrived in Brunswick at 4 o’clock, where we were lodged in the barracks with the soldiers. The people here were insolent, and our Indians had to let themselves be scrutinized. The wagons went over the bridge to Namberg[?] tonight.

January 9: We set out again on our travels. Because the river was frozen, we went over the ice. The sick and blind, as well as Sr. Grube, were brought over with a hand-sled. Mr. Billisko, who carries our passport, would have soon lost his horse if our Indians had not come to help. On this side of the river, we heard much bad talk from the people. We came in good time to Amboy and were lodged in the good barracks, that is, in six spacious rooms with which we were very pleased.

January 10: We thought we would go early by water to New York, but, because this night the wind was contrary, we had to stay. Bread and meat were distributed to our Indians. We had a pleasant day of rest and in the evening Br. Grube held services in three rooms.

January 11: We made ourselves ready for travel in order to go with two sloops to New York. An Express came, however, to Captain Roberson (who had accompanied us, with his company, here from Philadelphia) with the news that we were not to set a foot in New York. The Express had also brought orders for all the ferrymen that they were under penalty not to bring us across the river. We were more than a little upset by this news. Mr. Epdy, who had accompanied us here and had taken care of our journey, wrote three letters: one to Governor Franklin [of New Jersey], asking him for further protection in this jurisdiction; the second he wrote to the Governor of Pennsylvania, telling him that we had no permission to come into the province of New York. The third letter was to Mr. Fox. In the afternoon, the second Express came with a letter from General Gage in New York to the Governor of Pennsylvania, which we also forwarded immediately. The Highlanders [troops] marched away to Staten Island, but were soon called back to stay with us until further ordered. The baggage and the wounded with a few officers went by water to New York, however. John Antes also went there with the Stage Boat. Our good Indians were completely composed during these events. Josua said that the Savior had made it so that the wind turned just as we arrived here, otherwise we would have gone to New York and had to turn around and come back, which would have created confusion for us. We were also very thankful to the Savior for this. In the evening, Brs. Grube and David held the services in three separate rooms. Br. Rothe came from Bethlehem to stay with us.

January 12: He went to the barracks to greet the Indians, who rejoiced much to see their dear old Rothe. This evening, to our joy, our dear heart Nathanael and Br. Gambold came from Staten Island to see us. We thought about our most beloved Anna Johanna during the evening service that Br. Grube and David held, and we wished her many blessings on her birthday today.

January 13: Br. Nathanael and Gambold went to greet our Indian brethren, who were very pleased by this visit. Br. Nathanael read yesterday’s and today’s Daily Texts to them, comforted the poor brown pilgrims heartily, and assured them of the most tender thoughts of the Gemeine, at which they spilled many tears. Brs. Nathanael and Gambold went back to Staten Island soon after. Br. Christensen, who has accompanied us here from Philadelphia and has helped very faithfully, went back to Bethlehem with letters. In the evening, Br. Grube held services in two rooms, and Br. Rothe similarly in the third, in which there were a few Highlanders. Today our Indians gathered many oysters at the river. Our dear Anton is very known around here and knows where the best oyster places are. Our people are also well cared for with provisions, so that there is no shortage of food. The rooms have large fireplaces, so that they can make good fires to warm themselves.

January 14: Br. Rothe went very early to gather oysters with the men folk, because the water was very low. At midday, our dear Nathanael and Anna Johanna came to visit from Staten Island, about which we were heartily pleased. They went immediately to the barracks to see and greet our Indians, which was a great comfort and joy to them. In the afternoon, the visitors went back to Staten Island. In the evening, Br. Grube held a service only in one room. A few of our men folk behaved in an un-brotherly fashion, which displeased us. Late in the evening, the first Express came back from Philadelphia with a letter from Governor Franklin, in which he promised us his protection.

[Symbol for Sunday] January 15: The second Express arrived from Philadelphia early in the morning with a letter from Mr. Fox, from which we saw that the [Pennsylvania] Government was very dismayed at the resolution of the New York Government, and that we should return to Philadelphia without delay. Mr. Epdy made this known to our Indians immediately, and they wondered greatly over it. Today the visits from white people to the barracks were very numerous. Many asked to hear a sermon, but we could find no place other than in front of the barracks under the open skies. Br. Grube preached about the Daily Text: to obey is better than sacrifice etc.(3) Many white people from the city and soldiers were in attendance, and they were quite and orderly. Br. David Zeisberger and John Antes went to Staten Island with letters for Br. Nathanael and came back in the evening. Instead of the evening service, Br. Grube read aloud the letter that our dear Br. Peter wrote to them, and their hearts were very tender on hearing it.

January 16: Most of the Indians went to the water to gather oysters, and they brought a good portion of them back to the house. In the evening, we held a very blessed service, many white people from the city as well as Highlanders were there and were amazed by the Indians and their beautiful singing. Some people now receive a different idea of our Indians. A soldier said to the people [that] God would wish that all white people were as good Christians as these Indians are.

January 17: Our Indians received a good portion meat and cornmeal. Because today was Court Day, many people came to see the Indians; a few were very well behaved, other spoke very rudely to the Indians. Sr. Grube spoke specially today with various sisters. After the service, over 100 soldiers arrived from the American Regiment. They came from Detroit to New York a few days ago, in order to bring us to Philadelphia. They were lodged in the barracks.

Our Indians received orders to be ready to travel tomorrow. Our dear John Antes, who has formerly accompanied us, will begin his trip to Bethlehem again tomorrow. The Gemeine will accompany us again with its prayers; we have daily learned that His people never forget us, and I believe our faithful hearts will not fail us, as we are poor redeemed souls. Grube.

Amboy, January 17, 1764

1. This sentence was written in between the lines, in the same hand as the rest of the text.
2. Epiphany, which the Moravians celebrated as the "Heathen Fest."
3. 1 Sam. 15:22. English translation taken from King James Version.

This page has paths:

Contents of this path:
1. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
2. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
3. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
4. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
5. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
6. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
Contents of this path:
1. Account for Maintaining Indians at Lancaster, December 27, 1763
2. Account of the Indian murders, December 27, 1763
3. An Act for Preventing Tumults and Riotous Assemblies
4. The Address of the People Called Quakers In defense of their conduct towards the Indians and settlers. "Signed on behalf and by order of a committee, appointed to represent our religious society in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, at a meeting held in Philadelphia, the 25th of the second month, 1764. Samuel Emlen, Jun. clerk."--p. 11. Evans, C American bibliography, 9670; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W5867; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1941.
5. An Address of Thanks to the Wardens of Christ Church and St. Peters An address of thanks to the wardens of Christ Church and St. Peters, : and the Reverend W----S----h. D.D. [i.e. William Smith] provost of the college and tool to the p----r, and J---b D---e A.M. and MV.D. [i.e. Jacob Duche] From F---- A.----n D.D. [i.e. Francis Alison] and J---n E----g [i.e. John Ewing] in their own name and in the name of all the Presbyterian ministers in Pennsylvania. ... Reverend and worthy gentlemen; Permit us to return you ... our most sincere thanks for opening your church doors to dissenters in general, and us on particular ... to carry into execution a scheme of the utmost importance for the advantage of our profession; the down-fall of monarchy; and the support of a republican government ...
6. An Address to the Rev. Dr. Alison Relates to the dissensions caused by the Indians. Possibly written by Joseph Galloway. Half-title: An address to the Rev. Dr. Alison, the Rev. Mr. Ewing, &c. being a vindication of the Quakers. Place of publication and printer's name supplied by Evans. Signatures: pi_ A-C? D_ (D2 verso blank). Errata note, p. 47. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9892; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W6245; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2098; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 66908.
7. The Addition to the Epitaph "A burlesque in the form of a prayer to the Devil."--Hildeburn. Text begins: Thou great Prince of Darkness! Thou author of all rebellions and insurrections, whether Paxtonian or others! Thou Father of my friend the Kirk. Concerns the Paxton Boys' march on Philadelphia. The target of this satirical piece sided with the Paxton Boys, and opposed Benjamin Franklin's negotiations. At head of title, within an ornament (Reilly 120): The authentic one. Attributed by Evans to David James Dove. Imprint supplied by Evans.
8. An Answer to the Pamphlet Entitled "The Conduct of the Paxton Men"
9. Apology of the Paxton Volunteers
10. A Battle! A Battle!
11. A Battle! A Battle! (Extended)
12. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, June 27, 1763
14. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, February 11, 1764
17. By the Honourable John Penn By the Honourable John Penn, Esq; lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of the province of Pennsylvania, and counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware, a proclamation. : Whereas on the twenty-second day of December last I issued a proclamation, for the apprehending and bringing to justice a number of persons, who ... had inhumanely killed six of the Indians, who had lived in Conestogoe Manor ... Given under my hand, and the great seal of the said province, at Philadelphia, the second day of January ... one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four.
18. Christopher Schultze to Israel Pemberton, August 29, 1760
19. Christopher Towne to Israel Pemberton, April 25, 1756
20. A Letter from Batista Angeloni Extracted from Shebbeare's Letters on the English nation, also published pseudonymously. Cf. the Dictionary of national biography. Probable place and date of publication suggested by Hildeburn. "The Cloven-Foot discovered."--p. 7-8, in verse. An attack on the Quakers for their dealings with and support of the Indians. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9838; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W13438; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2013.
21. A Letter From Batista Angeloni (Reprinted) Extracted from Shebbeare's Letters on the English nation, also published pseudonymously. Cf. the Dictionary of national biography. Probable place and date of publication suggested by Hildeburn. "The Cloven-Foot discovered."--p. 7-8, in verse. An attack on the Quakers for their dealings with and support of the Indians. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9838; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W13438; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2013.
22. Commission for Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
23. The Conduct of the Paxton Men Impartially Represented A defense of the Paxton boys, in reply to Benjamin Franklin's "A narrative of the late massacres, in Lancaster County, of a number of Indians." Attributed to Thomas Barton by Hildeburn and Evans. Also attributed to the Rev. John Ewing. Cf. Egle, W.H. History of the counties of Dauphin and Lebanon, 1883, p. 68. An added title page identifies John Creaig of Lancaster as bookseller. Signatures: pi [A]? B-D? E1. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9594; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W37505; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1957
25. A Conference Between the Devil and Doctor Dove
26. The Congregational Diary of Lancaster Moravian Church, December 27-28 , 1763
27. Conversation with the Indians, April 19, 1756
28. Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs Caption title: A letter to a friend in the country. With a half-title. Signed on p. 22: A.B. Attributed to Benjamin Franklin by Evans. First published as a supplement to the Pennsylvania journal, Apr. 26, 1764. Dated on p. 5: Philadelphia, April 12, 1764. Signatures: [A]? B? (B4 blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9663; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W16998; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1990; Howes, W. U.S.iana (2nd ed.), F319
30. The Counter Medley
31. A Declaration and Remonstrance On the massacre of the Conestoga Indians by the "Paxton Boys" and the Indian policy of the Pennsylvania authorities. "Signed on behalf of ourselves, and by appointment of a great number of the frontier inhabitants. Matthew Smith. James Gibson. February 13th, 1764."--p. 18. Printer's name and place of publication supplied by Evans. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9630; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W37880; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1969
32. Deed from Indians on the Susquehanna (1700)
33. A Dialogue Between Andrew Trueman and Thomas Zealot
34. A Dialogue, Containing Some Reflections on the Late "Declaration and Remonstrance"
35. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
36. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
37. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
38. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
39. Edward Shippen to John Elder, December 16, 1763
40. Edward Shippen to James Burd, January 19, 1768
41. The Election, a Medley A pro-Franklin cartoon depicting a crowd gathered to vote at the Philadelphia courthouse during the Pennsylvania Assembly Election of October 1764. The print advocates Franklin's appointment as provincial agent to Britain despite his election loss which was a result of his double-sided politics in dealing with the "Paxton Boys;" white frontiersmen who murdered peaceful Native Americans. Contains thirty-three verses attributed to Rev. Isaac Hunt to be sung to various tunes. Created as an attack on satirist James Dove, referred to in this title as "Squire Lilliput Professor of Scurrility," in response to his anti-Franklin print, "The Paxton Expedition." The courthouse crowd includes caricatures of James Dove and five African Americans, including a woman stating "Mase Lidiput you puchuss a me;" a reference to a character pursued sexually by Dove in an earlier anti-Dove cartoon, "A Conference between the Devil and Mr. Dove" (1764). Place and date of publication provided by Snyder and Murrell. Possibly after the work of Henry Dawkins. Manuscript note on recto in Watson's hand: Wrote by the Revd. Isaac Hunt at or before 1764 - when Franklin was made agent to London for this "Medley" says "Franklin will be agent." [and] Property of John F. Watson. Manuscript note on verso: Purchased from John F. Watson, Esq. June 14 1860. C.P. [Charles Poulson].
42. Explanatory Remarks on the Assembly's Resolves
43. Franklin and the Quakers
44. Friends' Address to the Governor, April 1756
45. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, January 15, 1759
46. George Stevenson Letter (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
48. Governor Hamilton to Papunehan, October 12, 1761
49. An Historical Account of the Late Disturbance Signed on p. 8: From a true countryman. A subsequent impression (Evans 9697, Hildeburn 2003) has imprint: "Printed by Anthony Armbruster, in Moravian-Alley." That impression notes on the title page: "[Fist] The second edition, may be called a piracy. I said printed at Rome: I meant nothing but [cross] Printed in Second-Street, by Andrew Steuars-Stockfish." A.S. and Andrew Steuars-Stockfish evidently refer to Andrew Steuart, who also printed an edition of the work (not in Evans or Bristol). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9696; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W39302; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2002.
50. An Historical Account of the Late Disturbance (Reprinted)
51. A Humble Attempt at Scurrility In reply to an attack on Benjamin Franklin by John Hughes. Attributed to Isaac Hunt in the Dictionary of American biography. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. "Prologue to the coffee-house politician, or The justice caught in his own trap."--p. vii-viii. "Thirteen descriptions of the great A. drawn from the life by that celebrated master D---d J--s D-ve, poet laureat to the Pr---ry Party."--p. 38-42. Signatures: [A]? B-E? F_ (F2 verso blank). "Errata."--p. [43]. Evans, C. American bibliography, 10014; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W12797; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2134; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 25637.
52. An Indian Squaw King Wampum Spies
54. Israel Pemberton, Captive Inquiry As the French and Indian Wars wind down, The Commissioners for Indian Affairs are negotiating to secure the release of the white settlers that are still being held prisoners by the Indians. However even before a general Treaty, Trustees of the Mennonite Church are attempting to accelerate this release by offering the Indians 'presents' if they would escort the white prisoners from their lands to Pittsburgh. This gesture is to be considered payment for the cost and inconvenience to the Indians for this journey, and not as a ransom for releasing the white prisoners...Letter written by Israel Pemberton addressed to the Indian Affairs Commission inquiring about an agreement to instruct agents in Indian towns along the frontier to look into how many captives are in each town, and their physical descriptions. He also implores the commission to ask the agents to make inquiries to the "dispositions" of the Indians holding captives, as well as their readiness to accept ransom in exchange for release of captives.
55. Jacob Whistler Letter (March 12, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
56. Jacob Whistler to William Peters (April 9, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
57. John and Richard Penn to the Friendly Association, September 5, 1760
58. Journal of Christian Frederick Post, June 20, 1758
59. A Letter From a Clergyman in Town
60. A Letter From a Gentleman at Elizabeth Town to his Friend in New York
61. A Letter From a Gentleman in Transilvania to his Friend in America
62. Letter from Albrecht Ludolph Russmeyer to Nathanael Seidel, January 2, 1764
63. Letter from Matthaus Hehl to the Church Leadership, December 29, 1763
65. The Life and Adventures of a Certain Quaker Presbyterian Indian Colonel
66. A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians (Inscribed: J. Arbo) Inscribed: J. Arbo (Expanded). "To the friends of Pennsylvania and lovers of liberty. This Looking-glass is with much affection and great respect inscribed by a Pennsylvanian."--p. 3. Attributed to Isaac Hunt by Evans. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. "Appendix. The substance, of a council held at Lancaster August the 28th 1764, by a committee of Presbyterian ministers .."--p. [25]-34. "A dialogue between a churchman in the country, and a Presbyterian in the city of Philadelphia."--p. 35-38. "A letter from a gentleman in Transilvania"--p. 38-43, signed: Jack Traveller, Weissenburgh in Transilvania, August 1st, 1764. Attributed to Isaac Hunt in the Dictionary of American biography. Signatures [A]? B-E? [F]1 ([F]1 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9703; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W1775.
67. A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians (Numb. I)
68. Manuscript Copy of Remonstrance, February 13, 1764 Manuscript copy of remonstrance from Matthew Smith and James Gibson to Governor John Penn. They position themselves as representatives of public opinion, submit nine points that decry the perceived underrepresentation of the western counties in the Assembly and bill changing trial location of persons charged with killing Indians, allege that Indians under government protection conspired with others to plan attacks, lament lack of public funds for the care of wounded frontier residents, request new bounties for Indian scalps, request embargo to effect return of captives, accuse private individuals of trading and treating with enemies of the province, and requests Fort Augusta garrison be ordered to take more proactive measures. Handwritten copy, perhaps draft. 13 February 1764. Gift of Paul and Judy Ware, 2009.
69. Message to the Governor, October 12, 1761
70. A Narrative of the Late Massacres Generally attributed to Benjamin Franklin. Ascribed to the press of Franklin and Hall by Miller on the basis of the typeface used. Evans, Hildeburn, and P.L. Ford suggest Anthony Armbruster as printer. Sabin says "Written and printed by Franklin." Signatures: A-B? (B8 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9667; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W17009; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1992; Miller, C.W. Franklin, 807; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 25557.
71. A Narrative of the Late Massacres (Inscribed: From James Pemberton to William Cobbett) Inscribed: From James Pemberton to William Cobbett. Generally attributed to Benjamin Franklin. Ascribed to the press of Franklin and Hall by Miller on the basis of the typeface used. Evans, Hildeburn, and P.L. Ford suggest Anthony Armbruster as printer. Sabin says "Written and printed by Franklin." Signatures: A-B? (B8 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9667; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W17009; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1992; Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 272; Miller, C.W. Franklin, 807; Howes, W. U.S.iana (2nd ed.), F327; Sabin 25557.
72. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 17, 1760
73. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, December 20, 1761
74. A New Song in High Vogue in Northampton County
75. Observations on a Late "Epitaph"
76. The Paxton Boys: a Farce
77. The Paxton Expedition
78. The Paxtoniade
79. Petition of the Inhabitants of Lancaster County
80. The Plain Dealer, Numb. I
81. The Plain Dealer, Numb. II Numb. II. Mistakenly attributed by Evans to Hugh Williamson, author of numbers 1 and 3. Cf. the Advertisement in number 3, where it is stated: The author of this is obliged to the gentleman, who wrote the piece which was published on Teusday [sic], by the title of Plain dealer, no. 2. As his endeavours to prevent the people from being deceived by the chicane of a faction, prove him to be a friend to the oppress'd inhabitants of this province. Dated May 7, 1764. Imprint supplied by Evans. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9877; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W15609; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2086.
82. The Plain Dealer, Numb. III
83. Proceedings at a Council Held at Fort George (January 9, 1764) Proceedings. Present Lieut.-Gov. Cadwallader Colden, [Daniel] Horsmanden, [William] Smith, Mr. [John, Watts, Mr. [William] Walton, [William Alexander,] Earl of Stirling; attacks on the Indians by settlers near Lancaster, Pennsylvania; peaceable Indians, on an island in Schuylkill near Philadelphia, molested; Gov. Penn wishes the Indians removed to New York; the Council disapproves and advises governor of New York, not to receive them. Attested copy, signed by Gw. [Goldsborow] Banyar. Endorsed: "Minutes inclosed in Gov. Colden's Letter of Jan. 1764. (Read in Council 16th Jany 1764)."
84. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
85. The Quaker Unmasked Defending the Paxton Boys; also suggesting that the Quakers were enamored of both Indian squaws and Indian trade. Cf. Dictionary of American biography. Signed on p. 13: Philopatrius. Second-Street, Philadelphia, February 18, 1764. Attributed to David James Dove in the Dictionary of American biography. "Postscript."--p. 14-15. Bookseller's advertisement, p. 16. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9647; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W32375; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1982 1982.
86. The Quaker Vindicated
87. The Quakers Assisting to Preserve the Lives of the Indians
88. The Quakers Assisting to Preserve the Lives of the Indians (No. II)
89. The Quakers Grace, Prayer, and Thanksgiving
90. Remarks on the Quaker Unmasked
91. Remarks upon "The Delineated Presbyterian Played Hob With"
92. A Scene in the First Act of the New Farce
93. A Serious Address (First Edition)
94. A Serious Address (Second Edition)
95. A Serious Address (Fourth Edition) A Serious address, to such of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, as have connived at, or do approve of, the late massacre of the Indians at Lancaster; or the design of killing those who are now in the barracks at Philadelphia. : The demand for this piece has been so great, that this fourth edition is call'd for in a few days! To which is now added, a dialogue between Andrew Trueman and Thomas Zealot, about the killing the Indians at Connestogoe and Lancaster. (An excellent piece!)
96. Sir William Johnson to Gov. John Penn, February 9, 1764 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
97. The Squabble (First Edition) A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. English short title catalogue (ESTC), W29925; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2065; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time,, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 159; Wegelin, O. Early American poetry, 789.
98. The Squabble (Second Edition) Second Edition. A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. The second edition is ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans 9564 and 9565. Signatures: A?. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography. English short title catalogue (ESTC), W41575; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 158.
99. The Squabble (Third Edition) Printed from the First Edition (Third Edition Inferred). A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. Parentheses substituted for square brackets in imprint transcription. Date of publication supplied by Evans 9564 and 9565. "Frontispiece" on p. [4] is of "Thyrsis, with a Pr*sb*t*rian nose. Corin, with a Q**k*ronian nose." Evans, C. American bibliography, 9565; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W29926; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2066 2066; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time,, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 160; Wegelin, O. Early American poetry, 790.
100. The Substance of a Council Held at Lancaster
101. Thomas Penn to John Penn, December 10, 1763 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
103. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
104. Various Memoranda, 1760
105. What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander Satirical epitaph on Benjamin Franklin written by Hugh Williamson. Cf. Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 1889, entry 997. Signatures: A4 (A4 verso blank). Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Bristol, R.P. Supplement to Charles Evans' American bibliography; Shipton, C.K. National index of American imprints through 1800. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455.
106. What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander (LCP copy) Satirical epitaph on Benjamin Franklin written by Hugh Williamson. Cf. Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 1889, entry 997. Signatures: A4 (A4 verso blank). Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Bristol, R.P. Supplement to Charles Evans' American bibliography; Shipton, C.K. National index of American imprints through 1800. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455.
107. William Patterson to Israel Pemberton, June 10, 1771
Contents of this path:
2. Deed from Indians on the Susquehanna (1700)
3. Excerpts from the Minutes of the Board of Property, 1727-37 Includes a true copy of a letter from James Logan to Joseph Wheeler concerning purchases from Native Americans. Three excerpts, in the same secretarial hand. Watermark: WW (ligature) / Postal Horn in shield. Cf. Gravell, Foreign Watermarks, #714-715, (Philadelphia, 1764). These excerpts might have been prepared to demonstrate the settlers' interest in the Delaware lands prior to the Walking Purchase. The first two excerpts concern the case of two Upper Forks traders, Nicholas Dupui and Daniel Broadhead, who battled for exclusive rights to the upper Delaware Indian trade. Both tried to ally themselves with the Delaware sachem Lapowinzo. In a meeting with Thomas Penn, Dupui showed the proprietor a petition signed by Lapowinzo and forged marks of other Delawares, asserting that Broadhead's April 5, 1737 land warrant for six hundred acres should be recalled since he "had done them much wrong." Dupui, meanwhile, "had been their trusty and loving friend" which the Delawares rewarded by the same tract of land. The petition's author was Dupui. The proprietor summoned Broadhead who happened to be in Philadelphia. Under the cross-examination, Lapowinzo said Dupui told him that he must sign the petition, although he had nothing against Broadhead of his claims; other Delawares never signed it.
4. Letter to Governor Penn, March 22, 1732/3 Signed: "Tattemy." Signature and the body of the petition are in the same hand. Docketed on the fold: No. 8; "24th March 1732 Tattemy an Indian." Watermark: Royal arms under Garter, with motto and buckle. Cf. Gravell, Foreign watermarks, # 606, 1746; not an exact match; the Gravell's sample has S.C. on the bottom of the shield). "That your Pettioner being a Native of This Cuntrey and Have Taken a Great deal of Pains and Industery to Make a plantation on Hoping that yr Honnneur will be pleased to Give me a Grant for the said Lands which I suppose may contain about Three hundred Acres on the forks of Dillaware and William Allen and Irishman Longhorn know my Behaviour and the place and your Pettioners as In duly Bound shall for Ever pray. " A warrant for the survey was issued on December 30, 1736 and a patent to "Tundy Tetamy one of our Indian Friends was granted by the proprietaries on April 28, 1738. Tatamy's application was endorsed by Jeremiah Langhorne and William Allen (Northeastern Indian Lives, 1732-1816), p. 259. Cf. Tatamy was the first Native American to own land in accordance with English law. In 1733, while Delawares generally were negotiating for goods and using land as capital or skins as medium of exchange, Tatamy applied for "a piece of land of about 300 Acres on the forks of the Delaware" (Harper, Promised Land, 88 citing James Steele letter book in HSP) The petition might have been retained in order to prove that Tatamy, a Delaware, acknowledge the Penns' rights over the land in the forks.
5. Goods received, September 7, 1732 Left side: the list of goods and moneys to be paid. With the note, in Thomas Penn's hand: Stenton, September 7. 1732: "I promise to deliver to Sasoonan & al the Goods mentioned in the above list; within nine months after the date hereof as also the fifty pounds with these mentioned. Right side: Stenton, Sept. 7, 1732. "Paid to Sassoman;" list of goods marked off in pen and pencil; "Rec'd the 7th day of September. The Several goods mentioned in the second column in part of those promised me by Thomas Penn in the first Column and also twenty pounds in parr of ye said fifty. Signed by Sasonan, Alalapis, Pesqueetan, Mayeemo "his mark." Witnesses: James Logan; James Steele, John Wray. Docket label: List of Sassonman's Goods in 1732 Rec'd. In the same hand below: No. 7. Watermark: C.A.W. / Pro Patria; with hat on the tip of the spear. Cf. similar watermark on Plan for rebuilding Magdalen College, 1720s, by Sir James Burrough, (The Architectural Drawings of Magdalen College, Oxford, p. 1). No No exact match in Gravell; cf. # 32 (with AW in Pro Patria, 1765). The unpublished appendix to the treaty negotiated by Thomas Penn and signed on September 7, 1732. The deal opened land along the Schuylkill River watershed between the Lehigh Hills and the Kittatiny Mountains and enlarged Bucks, Philadelphia, and Lancaster Counties. (Cf. Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 1, pp. 344-47).
6. Notes to James Steel, ca. 1732-35
7. Map of the Delaware River, ca. 1735 This manuscript map was probably drawn for a 1732 deed. Nicholas Scull, the first deputy surveyor for Philadelphia (1719) and Bucks County (1733); handled land disputes in Delaware Water Gap; he was was part of the surveying that precipitated the Walking Purchase. He later served as the Philadelphia County sheriff (1744-1746) and the province's Surveyor General (1748), author of published maps of Philadelphia region; member of the Junto; fluent in the Lenape language.
8. Minutes of Contracts In Conestoga Manor, 1737-1760 Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
9. Letter to the Lenape Chiefs, May 20, 1740 Letter concerns an attack on a settler named Henry Webb by a Native American named Awannemeak near Menesinck. Watermark: Post Horn, in shield, with bell / C&I Honig. No exact match in Gravell, cf. # 369. Docketed: "Governor Thomas To Awannemeak's Indian King at Asopus" and "No. 49." Regarding the assault on Nicholas Webb. Published, as recorded in the minutes: Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania , vol. 4 (Harrisburg, 1851): 420; Pennsylvania Archives, 4th ser., vol. 1: Papers of the Governors, 1681-1747 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1900): 725-727.
10. Letter to Governor Thomas, January 3, 1741 The date is indicated as January 3, 1740/41, in reference to the March Julian year that began on March 25. Appeal in response to "a complaint made that I let up the Indians for to do mischiefe or make Difficulties or amoung the Peoples the Inhabetants of this Province." The author Jacob Sebring (Seabring or Seaberring) rejects the complaint and reports that the Delawares "tould me that Mr. Penn had taken their Land against their will and Settled a People upon it, that abused them so that they would live so no longer." He also reports that he had written a formal complaint on behalf of the Delawares to Jeremiah Langhorne and criticizes his accuser, "John Mccahon" who had been caught unlawfully detaining and abusing two Lenape young men. Watermark: Royal Arms under Garter / GR Cf. Grenell, Foreign watermarks, # 290-291. Cf: Alfred Mathews, History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe Counties, Pennsylvania (R.T. Peck & Co., 1886): 29-30, referencing a memorandum of "two letters to Jeremiah Langhorne," from "sundry Indians, dated Nov. 21, 1740 and Jan. 3, 1741, which was "referred to in Minutes, March 26, 1741." The memorandum was found in the collection of James "Logan's manuscripts in possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania." "The scribe for the Indians was Jacob Sebring," who was "arrested by the Sheriff of Bucks County for serving them in that capacity." Cf. Delawares to Jeremiah Langhorne, Smithfield, January 3, 1741. HSP, Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, vol. 4. Cf. "A Letter to the Governor from the same Indians and the like purpose [i.e. seizure of land in Bucks county] Dated Jan. 3rd. 1740-1," mentioned in the Minutes of the of the Provincial Council March 26, 1741, in: Minutes of the Provincial Council. vol. 4 (Harrisburg, 1851): p. 481
11. Letter to Governor Thomas (attestation), January 3, 1741 A letter attesting to the character of Jacob Seaberring; signed by Jacob Kuykendall, Abraham van Campen, Nicholas Dupui and Jacobus Kuykendall. Signed: Jacob Knykendal; Abraham Scampen justice, Nicolas Dupui, Jacobus kuy kendael," i.e. Jacob Kuykendall, Abraham van Campen, Nicholas Dupui, and Jacobus Kuykendall. Watermark: Royal arms under Garter / PL ligature. No exact match in Gravell; Cf. #546 (Northampton, Pa., 1763). Docketed (in the same hand; on facing folds: Letter from the Indians to the Govr. Jan. 3rd 1740/31 referred to in the minutes of March 26 1741" and "Character of Jacob Seaberring 30 Jan. 1740." "The Character of Jacob Seaberring is such that he has always been very true and honest both to King and Country and that we have found great benefit by him." Sebring's accuser came into the country a Servant and Run away from his Masters amongst the Indians and their lived as an Indian many years and at last he could live no longer in peace and quietness for his Rogery, and falseness to them so then being forced to come down amongest the Inhabitants, and married a woman and has lived on idle life all his life time he has never done good for king or country and even for himself."
12. Letter to the Allegheny Chiefs, October 20, 1741
13. Tract of Land Situated in Conestoga Manor (January 18, 1752) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
14. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, March 28, 1753
15. Edward Shippen to William Allen, June 17, 1755
16. Timothy Horsfield to William Parsons, December 14, 1755
17. Proclamation of Peace, August 3, 1756
18. Memoranda, 1756 to 1761
19. Account of the Indian Complaints, 1756
20. Friends' Address to the Governor, April 1756
21. Conversation with the Indians, April 19, 1756
22. Christopher Towne to Israel Pemberton, April 25, 1756
23. Memorandum of an Account of the Indian Nicodemus, June 30, 1756
24. Letter to Richard Peters, December 11, 1756 A summary or a precis of a letter from Thomas Penn to an identified recipient, perhaps Richard Peters. Mentions William Denny, Thomas Pownall, Benjamin Franklin and his instructions from the General Assembly, loss of Oswego; men raised in Pennsylvania "for the American Regiments;" the fate of Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments; John Stanwix; the news of the John Armstrong's expedition against Kittanning received by the Duke of Cumberland; "Parson Barton," (i.e. Thomas Barton), the supply bill; provincial elections; Loudoun's decision to quarter the regular troops in Philadelphia, "Land Tax" issue, etc.
26. Passport for Joseph Peepy and Lewis Montour, January 9, 1757
27. John Ross to Richard Peters (February 24, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
28. Hyder deposition, March 1, 1757
29. Marshall deposition, March 1, 1757
30. Brown deposition, March 5, 1757
31. Smith deposition, March 15, 1757
33. George Stevenson Letter (April 12, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
34. Message to the Delaware, May 1, 1757
36. George Croghan to Timothy Horsfield, May 24, 1757
37. George Stevenson Letter (May 28, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
38. Conference between Croghan and Teedyuscung, August 1, 1757
39. Garrison at Fort Halifax, August 1, 1757
40. Terms sent to Teedyuscung, August 1, 1757 The terms offered a public reading of the Walking Purchase deed in lieu of an inquiry by Sir William Johnson. Rough minutes of a conference between Teedyuscung and George Croghan. Added in a different hand: "Upon the Conversation, Mr. Croghan & Mr. Weiser at this instance came to the Governor & Mr. Croghan gave it as his opinion that if Governor" would let "Teedyuscung & some of his Cronies" to see the documents, it would "sate" Teedyuscung that would go "in his proceedings no further."
41. Budge and Biddle depositions, August 2, 1757 The deposition by Christian Budge and Edward Biddle who testified "that as We were standing by Nicholas Scull's House in this Town, King Teedyuscung with several Indians came there; that Mr. Israel Pemberton took the King by the Hand and went into Mr. Scull's House with him." On verso: 1757, Feb. 21. Draft of the summons from the "Committee appointed to inquire of Indian Complaints against this Government," to Edward Marshall, John Hyder, and Timothy Smith. Apparently, the draft was used as scrap paper to record Busse's and Biddle's deposition.
42. Croghan and Weiser despositions, August 2, 1757
43. Shoemaker and Drake depositions, August 2, 1757
44. Account of the Indian reaction to Teedyuscung, August 3, 1757 "Note, signed by Thomas Morrison and Conrad Weiser, describing the ""rest of Indians"" who ""Murmoured against Teediskon."" Added, in pencil: ""Teed did not like the 6 Nations laughing at him."" With: Denny, William. To ""Gentlemen."" 1757, July 11. Draft of the letter to ""a deputation of the Society of Friends expressing the displeasure of the Proprietaries at their interference in treaties with the Indians."" The draft was apparently used as scrap paper."
45. Letter to Richard Peters, August 3, 1757 "Sir, I have Sent one Henry Deigenhart with letters from Carlisle to his Honour the Governor; as I understand both, Colonel Stanwix & Lieu. Col. Armstrong gave orders to the Post to get them sent to Easton. The Answers may be here by Saturday Morning, Time enough to be sent to Carlisle by the next Post. The Bearer is to have Thirty Shillings, which I make no Doubts, Sir, you will be so good as to sea he gets, as you were so kind as to get the Express from hence paid last week. Pray be so kind as to let me know whether it will be proper to let the Pacquets from Carlisle to the Govenor or yourself be carried to Philadelphia or whether it will be best to send them to Easton. The Bearer begs that he may not be obliged to bear his own expenses at Easton, as he thinks thirty shillings very low for riding so far Express. P.S. The Philadelphia Lawyers, I hear will not come over from Lancaster next week, to our Court, being afraid of losing their scalps if they should attempt. I am very much hurryd just now, preparing for the Term approaching."
46. Memorandum on Easton, August 3, 1757
47. Extracts from a journal, August 7-8, 1757
48. Letter to Governor Denny, August 12, 1757 Signed autograph letter. James Young, the Commissary of the Muster and paymaster of William Denny's Pennsylvania Regiment, complains about recalcitrant "Commissioners" of the General Assembly who have been refusing to appropriate the money "til they were assured they had had the duty they were engage'd," citing "great Complaints" that "the troops did not Range to the Enemy's Country, and the they were within One hundred miles of what was Commonly call'd For Duquesne, they never could learnt in Two Years, whether there was any such Fort there or no." As the Commissioners were "assured" that the men "they did not do their duty, the only Method they had to Compell them to it, or to make them leave the Service, was by detaining their pay from them."
49. Hyndshaw deposition, August 31, 1757 A corrected draft. The immediate record of the affidavit of James Hyndshaw, "of County of Northampton & Lieutenant of the First Battalion or ye Pennsylvania regiment," before William Allen. Hyndshaw testified of a "Close Conference" between "People called Quakers belonging to ye said Province but chiefly from Philadelphia," including Israel Pemberton and Isaac Norris, and Teeduyscung. Cf. published text: Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 3 pp. 263-264.
50. Lisle deposition, August, 1757
52. Weiser deposition, September 24, 1757
53. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, and Lyell depositions, September 1757 A corrected draft. Docketed, in the same hand: "Dr. Affidavits of Mr. Allen, Mr. Hamilton, R. Peters, & Mr. Lyell." Peters testified, "on his oath," that he had found "Papers and Writings purporting to be a copy of an Original Deed for lands purchased by ye late Proprietor William Penn, Esq. from ye Delaware Indians, situated in & near ye Forks of ye River Delaware, bearing date ye 20th Day of August Anno Domini 1686 & of which now produced copy." Peters also testified that the copy "annexed" was "a true Transcript carefully compared & examined by ye Deponent with the ancient Copy."
54. Allen, Hamilton, Peters and Denny depositions, October 1757
55. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, Scull, and Denny depositions (fair copy), December 6, 1757
56. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, Scull, and Denny depositions (heavily corrected), December 6, 1757
57. Letter to Governor Denny, December 8, 1757
58. Letter to Conrad Weiser, December 24, 1757 "To be delivered to his Honor the Governor per Insign Martin (?)" Docketed: "24 December 1757 James Read with 3 Indians." Regarding "three Indians to wit, John Jacob, David, and James, a lad of about 13 years," all "Delawares one in Teedious Kon's son" to be escorted to William Denny to Philadelphia "gratifying their Inclination." With: Weiser, Conrad. To William Denny. Note informing Denny of the Delawares' arrival; "Jordyn (?) Eberhard, Martin, and a serjeant of Mass. Company came with them."
59. Peters deposition, 1757
60. Abstract of a bill (Penn v. Baltimore), ca. 1757 Manuscript bound with string. A copy concerning the Pennsylvania and Maryland boundary dispute. In secretarial hand, with broad margins, with manicules and cross-references. Docketed: "Penn v. Baltimore. Copy of the dispute in 1685. Loebbs (?) Br[ief]. of Bill & Answers." Record of the depositions of William Penn and Lord Baltimore before the Board of Trade, during the arbitration over their dispute over the three lower counties on the Delaware. The Board ruled in Penn's favor. (For the ruling, see Papers of William Penn vol. 3, p. 10). This copy was most likely made during the 1757 investigation. Cf. HSP. Penn family papers (Collection 0485A). Series VII: Penn v. Baltimore, vol. 1 (1606-1732). Unpublished.
61. Copy of the alleged 1686 treaty, ca. 1757 A true copy of the allegedly lost 1686 Walking Purchase Treaty; the main document justifying the Walking Purchase. This copy was most likely produced by Richard Peters' office in 1757. Marked "Copia vera" on the bottom; with two blank spaces left unfilled in the text. Secretarial hand, the same as on No. 1. Watermark: Post horn / Wendelin Riehel / 4 WR / WW countermark. Cf. Grenell, Foreign Watermarks, #714-715; Philadelphia, 1764. The replica of the "antient" copy of the allegedly lost deed that entitled the Proprietor to a tract of land "back into the woods as far as a man can goe in a day and a half" and the main document justifying the Walking Purchase. Copy of the incomplete deed August 25 1686, most likely produced by Richard Peters' office in 1757. Cf. Alden T. Vaughan, Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and laws, 1607-1789. Vol. 1: Pennsylvania and Delaware Treaties, 1629-1737 (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979), pp. p. 80, 476; after: Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. 13, pp. 465-466; the published text is a recap of a summary rather than the full text. Cf. Sir William Johnson's report to the Board of Trade, Aug. 1, 1762, in: The Papers of Sir William Johnston, vol. 3, p. 840. Cf. manuscript copies in HSP: Board of Trade Papers, Proprietaries, 1697-1776, XXI-1, Ind X., 12 Doc. (b) and in Penn Mss., Indian Affairs, IV.
62. Excerpt from August 24, 1737 Minutes, ca. 1757 In secretarial hand. Watermark: Royal Arms under Garter / GR under crown. Cf. Gravell, 1755. Cf. Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 1, pp. 539-543; William Joseph Buck. History of the Indian Walk: Performed for the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania in 1737, to which is Appended a Life of Edward Marshall (Edwin S. Stuart, 1886): 69-70. The minutes of meeting of the Provincial Council, a day before the conference between the Penn brothers and the Delaware chiefs in Stenton. Thomas Penn reported on the previous conferences with the Indians "to adjust some Matters relating to Lands lying in the Country of Bucks which tho formerly fully and absolutely released by the Indians then inhabiting those Parts to his Father yet they had of late made some claims to them." Most likely, the excerpt was prepared in the course of the 1757 investigation.
63. Misc. manuscripts and fragments, ca. 1757-62 Miscellaneous manuscripts and fragments. First Meeting" and "2nd Meeting." List of names: Sergeant, Patterson, Biddle, Sutherland, Duane, Galt, Earle, Macary, Randall, B.C.; Sergt. Newbold, C.J. Ingersoll, Kane, Earle, Jack, Lehman. "Memorandum in Book C. 190." Wrapper, docketed: "Conrad Weiser's Affidavit proving the Execution of Two Deeds from the 5 Nations in 1736 for Lands in Susquehanna & the Forks & their Petition to the Proprietors not to buy any Land from the Delawares.
64. George Stevenson Letter (January 16, 1758) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
65. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, April 13, 1758
66. Robert Strettell to Timothy Horsfield, April 14, 1758
67. Journal of Christian Frederick Post, June 20, 1758
68. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, August 18, 1758
69. Israel Pemberton to Charles Read, September 10, 1758
70. Speech on behalf of the Delaware Indians, September 18, 1758 Watermark: Royal arms under Garter / GR under crown in cartouche. Docketed: "an old Indian Speech." No. 39. Docketed on P. 4: "Part of Genl. Indians speech at Easton." Contemporaneous record of the famous speech, in Conrad Weiser's hand. This is the fourth known copy. Cf. copies in: HSP, Penn. Mss. Indian Affairs, V, 63; the Chatham Papers (PRO, 30/8, 96, ff. 108, 154-55, attached to Thomas Penn's letter to William Pitt of February 3, 1759), and PHMC, Provincial papers, XXVII, 69; enclosed in Weiser's letter to Richard Peters of November 15, 1758. Ackawonothio, or Anacatotha was a a Shawnee or Delaware chief who earlier lived in Wyoming Valley. Published, after the HSP copy, in: Alden T. Vaughan, Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and laws, 1607-1789. Vol. 3: Pennsylvania Treaties, 1756-1757 (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979), p. 425.
71. Peters and Scull depositions, December 30, 1758
72. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, January 15, 1759
73. Samuel Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, January 31, 1759
74. Petition to the King, February 2, 1759 A contemporary copy, marked: "Copie." Watermark: Royal arms / GR under crown. This is the fifth copy of the petition. Cf. a draft at the American Antiquarian society and three contemporary copies at HSP. Published: Petition to the King in Council, [2 February 1759]," Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-08-02-0070. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 8, April 1, 1758, through December 31, 1759, ed. Leonard W. Labaree. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1965, pp. 264–276.
75. James Kenny to Israel Pemberton, February 12, 1759
76. George Stevenson Letter (March 2, 1759) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
77. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, March 27, 1759
78. Samuel Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, May 16, 1759
79. James Kenny to Israel Pemberton, June 19, 1759
80. Israel Pemberton to John Stanwix, August 24, 1759
82. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (December 29, 1759) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
83. Response to Thomson's pamphlet, 1759
84. Criticism of Benjamin Franklin's Historical Review [Thomas Penn?] This manuscript offers a critique of A Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania (1759). A Historical review was anonymously published, but it has been credited to either Benjamin Franklin or Richard Jackson. Written in the wake of the politically divisive 1750s, the pamphlet attacked the proprietors of Pennsylvania and the proprietary nature of the colonial government and defended the actions of the Assembly and Quaker Party during the Seven Years' War. The manuscript in the APS's vault was written in 1759 or 1760, likely in London. It defends the proprietor and the government in general. Largely unknown to historians, this manuscript provides insight into the deep political divisions within colonial Pennsylvania by offering a clear view into the beliefs of the proprietors and the proprietary party. The anonymous author of the work is almost certainly Thomas Penn. The manuscript was never published.
85. Various Memoranda, 1760
86. Letter Concerning Conestoga Manor (January 18, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
87. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (January 24, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
88. George Stevenson Letter (February 2, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
89. George Stevenson to Richard Peters and Richard Hockley (April 23, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
90. George Stevenson Letter (April 24, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
91. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, May 16, 1760
92. Account of the Return of Three White Prisoners, May 20, 1760
93. Isaac Whitelock to Israel Pemberton, June 6, 1760
94. Israel Pemberton, Captive Inquiry As the French and Indian Wars wind down, The Commissioners for Indian Affairs are negotiating to secure the release of the white settlers that are still being held prisoners by the Indians. However even before a general Treaty, Trustees of the Mennonite Church are attempting to accelerate this release by offering the Indians 'presents' if they would escort the white prisoners from their lands to Pittsburgh. This gesture is to be considered payment for the cost and inconvenience to the Indians for this journey, and not as a ransom for releasing the white prisoners...Letter written by Israel Pemberton addressed to the Indian Affairs Commission inquiring about an agreement to instruct agents in Indian towns along the frontier to look into how many captives are in each town, and their physical descriptions. He also implores the commission to ask the agents to make inquiries to the "dispositions" of the Indians holding captives, as well as their readiness to accept ransom in exchange for release of captives.
95. Nathaniel Holland to Friend, August 21, 1760
96. Christopher Schultze to Israel Pemberton, August 29, 1760
97. John and Richard Penn to the Friendly Association, September 5, 1760
98. Benjamin Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, September 7, 1760
99. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 17, 1760
100. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, October 16, 1760
101. List of Goods Applied to Indians (1761) The Friendly Association, short for "The Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures”, was established by a group of eminent Philadelphia Quakers in 1756. The group formed in reaction to months of horrific violence between settlers, mostly Scots-Irish and German, and Native Americans on the Pennsylvania frontier. The leaders of the Friendly Association endeavored to establish lasting and productive peace with the Native American tribes of Pennsylvania [mostly Lenape, Susquehannock], and as a consequence prove the effectiveness of Quaker pacifism. This digital record contains images that depict the entire contents of folder 13, held in box 18 of the Cox-Parrish-Wharton papers.
102. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (March 14, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
103. George Stevenson to Richard Peters Concerning Blue Rock Plantation (March 14, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
104. Report of the Easton Conference, August 1761
105. Christian Frederick Post to Israel Pemberton, August 8, 1761
106. George Stevenson to Richard Peters and Richard Hockley (August 10, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
107. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, August 29, 1761
109. Timothy Horsfield to James Hamilton, September 3, 1761
110. Edward Shippen to [William Allen?], September 15, 1761
111. Papunehan to Israel Pemberton, September 15, 1761
112. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 30, 1761
113. Governor Hamilton to Papunehan, October 12, 1761
114. Message to the Governor, October 12, 1761
115. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, December 20, 1761
116. Account of presents sent to Pittsburgh, 1762
117. Indenture For Lease of Blue Rock Farm (March 29, 1762) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
119. Peters deposition, May 28, 1762
120. Account of a conversation between Joseph Fox and the Governor, June 21, 1762
121. Speeches to the Indians at Easton, June 22, 1762 A draft of the account of Sir William Johnson's and Israel Pemberton's speeches to the Indians at Easton. "At 5 O'Clock Sir William Johnson by a Messenger gave us Notice that he had appointed the Indians [added in different hand: which had been prepared to hold the conference in] to meet him the Bowery within an hour when he intended to speak to them. We attended and Sir William Johnson made a Speech at them, the substance of which was as follows." [note on the margin] That it was injust to deny Teedy. a clerk which was his national right that he had as much right to app. a clerk as Sir William upon which Mr. Marsh said that he was not appointed Secretary by Sir W. but the King. Cf. Papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. 3, 762-771. "Sir William then asked Israel Pemberton 'what right he had to interpose in this matter, and said that, He was, by the Royal Order, to hear the Complaints of the Indians, and the Proprietaries Defence, and that no other person had any right to Intermeddle. That the Governor, and the Proprietary-Commissioners who were, by did not at all interfere. Israel insolently answer'd that He was a Freeman and had as much Right to speak as the Governor. That it was injust to deny Teeduyscung a Clerk which was his natural right. Upon which Mr. March said, that he was not appointed Secretary by Sir William but by the King. Mr. Marsh is Witham Marsh, Secretary for Indian Affairs.
122. Proceedings at Easton, June 22, 1762
123. Present at Easton, June 22, 1762
124. Account of the conversation between Galloway and Chew, June 24, 1762
125. Extracts from the alleged 1686 diary, June 1762 A corrected draft; the excerpts were used by the Proprietors' lawyers to prove the authenticity of the 1686 treaty. Endorsed as follows: "Examined & compared to William Markham's old Diary W. Peters and Richard Peters." Heavily edited draft of the alleged excerpt from the "antient" diary of William Markham for August 9-27, 1686. The excerpt was used by the proprietors' lawyers to prove the authenticity of the 1686 "treaty." Watermark: Royal arms under Garter/GR under crown, same as the copia vera of the 1686 treaty.
126. Papers respecting Teedyuscung's complaint, June 1762
127. Francis Alison Sermons (1763) Record Group 294 consists of Alison's sermons, miscellaneous manuscripts, and miscellaneous items; also included are some family documents. Francis Alison, born in Ireland, 1705. He studied at the University of Glasgow before travelling to America in 1735. In 1737 he became pastor of Pennsylvania's New London Presbyterian Church. Ten years later he opened an academy in New London. Students included three signers of the Declaration of Independence and the Secretary of the Second Continental Congress. In 1752 Alison moved to Philadelphia to take charge of the Philadelphia Academy. He was later appointed Vice-Provost of the newly established University of Pennsylvania, as well as Professor of Moral Philosophy. He was also assistant minister at the First Presbyterian Church. Alison died in 1779.
128. James Burd Diary at Fort Augusta James Burd was well-known in colonial Pennsylvania through his role in the French and Indian War, as well as his connections to many of the colony's leading families (most notably the Shippen family). This diary from the summer of 1763 documents Burd's time at Fort Augusta. It recounts the opening of Pontiac's Rebellion and the initial reports of the Indian raid on the Connecticut settlers in the Wyoming Valley.
129. Andrew Tail Bond (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
130. George Stevenson Letter (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
131. Robert Beaty to Richard Hockley and William Peters (January 22, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
132. John Mitchel to William Peters ( March 14, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
133. Samuel Nelson to William Peters (March 24, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
134. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, June 6, 1763
135. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, June 13, 1763
136. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, June 27, 1763
137. Thomas McKee to James Burd, July 9, 1763
138. Commission for Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
139. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
140. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 21, 1763
141. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, June 23, 1763
142. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 25, 1763
143. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 26, 1763
144. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 27, 1763
145. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 30, 1763
147. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, August 15, 1763
148. Petition to James Hamilton, August 17, 1763
149. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, August 19, 1763
150. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, August 31, 1763
151. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, September 1, 1763
152. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, September 3, 1763
153. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, September 15, 1763
154. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, September 20, 1763
155. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, October 10, 1763
156. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, October 13, 1763
157. Adam Bernard Grube to Timothy Horsfield, October 13, 1763
158. Joseph Shippen Jr. to James Burd, October 21, 1763
159. Edward Shippen to Governor James Hamilton, October 29, 1763
160. John Penn to Timothy Horsfield, November 14, 1763
162. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
163. Thomas Penn to John Penn, December 10, 1763 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
164. Edward Shippen to John Elder, December 16, 1763
165. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, December 19, 1763
167. Account for Maintaining Indians at Lancaster, December 27, 1763
168. Account of the Indian murders, December 27, 1763
169. The Congregational Diary of Lancaster Moravian Church, December 27-28 , 1763
170. Letter from Matthaus Hehl to the Church Leadership, December 29, 1763
171. Epistle from Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 1764
172. Apology of the Paxton Volunteers
173. Petition of the Inhabitants of Lancaster County
174. Letter from Albrecht Ludolph Russmeyer to Nathanael Seidel, January 2, 1764
175. Joseph Shippen Jr. to Colonel James Burd, January 3, 1764
176. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
177. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
178. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, January 5, 1764
179. Proceedings at a Council Held at Fort George (January 9, 1764) Proceedings. Present Lieut.-Gov. Cadwallader Colden, [Daniel] Horsmanden, [William] Smith, Mr. [John, Watts, Mr. [William] Walton, [William Alexander,] Earl of Stirling; attacks on the Indians by settlers near Lancaster, Pennsylvania; peaceable Indians, on an island in Schuylkill near Philadelphia, molested; Gov. Penn wishes the Indians removed to New York; the Council disapproves and advises governor of New York, not to receive them. Attested copy, signed by Gw. [Goldsborow] Banyar. Endorsed: "Minutes inclosed in Gov. Colden's Letter of Jan. 1764. (Read in Council 16th Jany 1764)."
180. John Whitmer to William Peters (January 16, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
182. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
183. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
185. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
186. John Penn to William Murray (January 29, 1764)
187. Thomas Gage to Cadwallader Colden (January 30, 1764)
188. Sir William Johnson to Gov. John Penn, February 9, 1764 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
189. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, February 11, 1764
190. Manuscript Copy of Remonstrance, February 13, 1764 Manuscript copy of remonstrance from Matthew Smith and James Gibson to Governor John Penn. They position themselves as representatives of public opinion, submit nine points that decry the perceived underrepresentation of the western counties in the Assembly and bill changing trial location of persons charged with killing Indians, allege that Indians under government protection conspired with others to plan attacks, lament lack of public funds for the care of wounded frontier residents, request new bounties for Indian scalps, request embargo to effect return of captives, accuse private individuals of trading and treating with enemies of the province, and requests Fort Augusta garrison be ordered to take more proactive measures. Handwritten copy, perhaps draft. 13 February 1764. Gift of Paul and Judy Ware, 2009.
191. John Penn to William Johnson (Februrary 17, 1764) The Indians who were refused a passage through New York returned to Philadelphia under escort of a party of Royal Americans, by order of Gen. Gage; this guard, and the opposition apprehended from the inhabitants of the city, prevented an attack by the armed men who came from the frontiers as far as Germantown with that design; it is necessary to remove all Indians out of the Province; asks his advice as to sending them to the towns on the Susquehanna, or obtaining the consent of Gov. Colden for their passage to Albany in a sloop.
192. Jacob Whistler Letter (March 12, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
193. Thomas Penn correspondence, March 17, 1764
194. Jacob Whistler to William Peters (April 9, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
195. Circular on Royalization
196. Thomas Penn correspondence, May 5, 1764
197. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 12, 1764
199. Thomas Penn to Sir William Johnson, September 7, 1764 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
202. Treatise on the Indians of North America (1764) Contemporary copy of a treatise by Capt. Gavin Cochrane, tracing the history of British relations with the Indians of the Great Lakes region from 1760 to 1763, and offering suggestions as to how they might be improved. Also copies of cover letters addressed to the Earl of Halifax, then a minister in Grenville's cabinet, and to George III, for whom the essay was intended. Cochrane presents the circumstances that led to Pontiac's Conspiracy; recounts the means by which individual British garrisons were overthrown; and outlines steps the British could take to secure the Indians' loyalty.
203. Journal of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon (1765 Excerpts) Charles Mason maintained field notes throughout the nearly 5 years it took to complete his survey. The journal includes mathematical and astronomical data, as well as the daily progress of the survey. Prior to hiring Mason and Dixon to settle a boundary line once and for all, the quarreling parties of Maryland and Pennsylvania agreed that the line separating the two provinces would be run east to west along a latitudinal arc 15 miles south of Philadelphia. The entry for June 12, 1764, reveals how Mason and Dixon located the starting point of the line that would later bear their name. Based on their calculations, the point 15 miles south of the southernmost point of Philadelphia was in a field belonging to Alexander Bryan. To access the complete diary, visit https://catalog.archives.gov/id/5821514
205. John Armstrong to George Croghan, March 26, 1765
208. John Penn to Sir William Johnson, May 23, 1765 May 23, 1765, letter to Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs, regarding the Indian trade, and white and Indian settlement on the west branch of the Susquehanna River. Penn remarks on a trading "scheme" of Philadelphians and George Croghan (deputy superintendent of Indian affairs for the western tribes), and on his own efforts to apprehend individuals responsible for destroying goods at Sideling Hill. Penn also states that he will act to remove white settlers on the west branch of the Susquehanna until that land is purchased from the Indians and asks Johnson to prevail upon the Munsees and other tribes to avoid that region in order to prevent bloodshed.
209. John Miller and Robert Beaty Bond (April 3, 1765) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
211. Thomas Penn to John Penn, June 8, 1765
212. Thomas Penn to Benjamin Chew, July 20, 1765
213. Sir William Johnson to Gen. Thomas Gage, July 14, 1766 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
214. John Penn to Thomas Gage, June 28, 1765
215. Edward Shippen to James Burd, January 19, 1768
216. William Allen to High Sheriffs, January 19, 1768
217. John Armstrong to John Penn (February 7, 1768) Concerning the taking of [Frederick] Stump and his servant from jail by violence; expresses his regret at the outrage; the people acted under a misapprehension of the intentions of the authorities in taking Stump to Philadelphia; explains the sentiment of the people, who say that the government shows more concern at the killing of an Indian than at the killing of any of themselves; that the Indians have killed numbers since the last peace, and that the exposed frontier people must always suffer before the government dares to say it is war; he has argued with them that those matters have no connection with the present opposition to authority; the sheriff had feared a rescue on the road, but no one suspected an attempt on the jail; he believes they are keeping Stump somewhere beyond the mountains, and there are still expectations that he will be delivered back to the sheriff; will set out next day to cross the mountains.
218. Edward Shippen to Rev. George Craig, January 9, 1769
219. Gov. John Penn to the Wyaloosing Indians, June 29, 1769
220. Account of the Indian Conference, October 22, 1770
221. Robert Callendar to John Pemberton and Owen Jones, April 22, 1771
222. Account of Conference between the Indians and the Friendly Association, May 10, 1771
223. William Patterson to Israel Pemberton, June 10, 1771
224. The Indians' Letter to the Representatives of Pennsylvania, May 16, 1772
225. Friendly Association's Message to the Delaware Indians, August 6, 1772
226. Minutes of Conference with Jos. Peepy and Peter Harrison, November 19, 1772
227. Philadelphia Friends to Wyaloosing Indians, November 28, 1772
228. Philadelphia Friends to Wyaloosing Indians, July 8, 1773
231. Jacob Whistler Receipt in Conestoga Manor (undated) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
233. William Watson to William Peters (undated) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
234. Wyoming Petition to the Governor of Pennsylvania (undated)
235. Journal of a Settlement on the Susquehanna

Contents of this path:

Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.