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Digital Paxton: Digital Collection, Critical Edition, and Teaching Platform

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764)

Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."

Transcription and translation by Katherine Carté. Permissions courtesy of the Moravian Archives of Bethlehem.

The Moravian Indians remained at the Philadelphia barracks until April 1765, fourteen months after their brief trip to Amboy. During that period, Brothers Grube and Schmick—with help from Brothers Zeisberger and Rothe— continued with the daily rhythm of prayer and services, while struggling with serious shortages in provisions, nearly constant visits from Philadelphians interested in seeing the Indians, devastating illness that killed dozens of members of the little congregation, and increasing discontent among the Indians, particularly the younger men. What follows is an abridgment of the community diary. Places where text has been omitted are indicated with a †.

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia

January 24: We came happily back to Philadelphia and were immediately lodged in the barracks; a watched was placed before our house. We were very heartily thankful to our Lord that, on our very difficult trip, he so mercifully led us and helped us through. Brs. Grube and Schmick slept in the barracks.

January 25: We began to settle in a bit. The things that we had left behind on Province Island came to us, although our good Indians missed many things, particularly axes, that had been stolen. In the evening, Br. Grube held a service in his own room.

January 26: Br. and Sr. Schmick, as well as Sr. Grube, moved out of the Brethren’s House and into the barracks, which pleased our dear Indians very much.

January 27: Our dear hearts David and Rothe, who showed so much love and faithfulness to our Indians on the trip, went back to Bethlehem. Br. Schmick held the evening service in the barracks kitchen, which we will hereafter use for our gatherings.

January 28: Br. Grube held a gathering at noon in which he mentioned various things, particularly that our people should in no way get involved with the soldiers. In the afternoon, Mr. Fox and two more gentle-people visited Br. Grube and said to him that tomorrow Joh. Pepunhang and his family from Frankfurt would come to live with us, because he desired it. Br. Schmick had much to order today in the city. Br. Grube held the evening service.

January 29 [Symbol for Sunday]: The sermon was at midday. Many people from the city attended. The two lieutenants, Winter and Gallo, visited us. The young people from the city nearly overran us; the watch was not in a position to keep them away. Br. Schmick, who went to Frankfurt on the request of Mr. James, came back and brought Joh. Pepunhang and his family, who were extraordinarily pleased to see us. In the evening, Br. Schmick held the service. The watch was set double tonight because the officers suspected that everything was not quite right around us. Various brothers and sisters from the city visited us today.

January 30: Br. Grube held the evening service about the Daily Text: Moreover I will appoint a place for my people Israel, and will plant them, that they may dwell in a place of their own, and move no more; neither shall the children of wickedness afflict them any more, as beforetime.(1) Ah! How our hearts longed [upon hearing the text] to find a place of rest again soon, where we could live in peace.

January 31: Our Indian brothers conversed with Joh. Pepunhang and wished that the Government might soon send an message into Indian country, so that hostilely-disposed Indians will not come to the idea that we had all already been killed. Br. Schmick visited Mr. Fox. In the evening service, today’s Daily Text was discussed with much comfort: but the soul of my lord shall be bound in the bundle of life with the Lord thy god. (2)

1. 2 Sam. 7:10. English translation from the King James Version.
2. Sam. 25:29. English translation taken from the King James Version.

February

February 1: In the morning, Br. Grube visited Mr. Logan, the Governor’s counselor, and spoke with him regarding the commission to the Six Nations that our Indians were given by the Honorable Governor, and that they wanted to deliver it again. At the same time, it was very important to Pepunhang that a message be sent very soon, before an attack of enemy Indians could happen. Br. Grube also visited Captain Schlosser and gave him an idea of our Indians. He said yes, I see well that these are completely different Indians than I have seen in Indians country, etc. In the afternoon, Sr. Grube held interviews with the Widows for their festival tomorrow, about which they were pleased. Br. Schmick held the evening service.

February 2: Br. Grube brought the belts to Mr. Logan again, together with the silk cloths. In the afternoon, Br. Ockly visited us, as did Mr. Fox, who was very warm and friendly to us and asked Joh. Pepunhang: now you are very well pleased that you are among your people again, which he affirmed with a joyful "Kehella." Br. Grube held a quarter-hour service for the widows, numbering fourteen, for their festival today.(1) Afterwards they had a small but pleasant Love Feast in which much was discussed, in particular our trip to Amboy. Our old, blind Thamar and Hanna said that they remembered well the time when no houses had stood in Amboy or Brunswick, and many hundreds of Indians had lived around there. (Building in Amboy was begun eighty-one years ago.) First Lieutenant Winter and two more soldiers were in the evening service.

February 3: Br. Schmick held the morning service. After that, a quarter of a cord of wood was distributed to every room, for which everyone was glad, as many had not a stick more to burn. Br. Schmick visited Ludwig Weiss, who drafted a memorial to the Honorable Governor Pepunhang’s name regarding his message to Indian Land. Br. Schmick brought it to the Honorable Secretary, where the Governor happened to be. He asked Br. Schmick how our Indians were doing, whether they were quite well and content, to which Br. Schmick responded in the affirmative.

February 4: Br. Neusser and Ludwig Weiss visited us. We heard a lot of bad reports. In the afternoon, Captain Schlosser came and reported to us that we should move to the second story with the soldiers, because there were no keys if the rooms should be broken into. Because the order regarding the moving of the soldiers came so late, a great confusion arose between them and our poor Indians, who were chased from one place to another, particularly when a couple shots happened outside the barracks, so that everyone got alarmed and made ready to fight. We then had our hands full with our Indians, getting them in their lodgings, and quieting them. Our Daily Text was ever in mind: Ye shall not shout, nor make any noise with your voice, etc.(2) The love will guide us, prepare the path, and with the eyes point to many things, if it be time to fight or if it be a day of rest.(3) Eight cannons were also mounted and a breastworks was made in the middle of the square. Our good Indians appeared openly saddened by the circumstances, and who could comfort them better than our dear Lord himself.

February 5 [Symbol for Sunday]: We had had a very troubled night, and slept very little. The Honorable Governor himself had been in the barracks the whole night, visited our Indians at midnight, and cheered them, and was particularly friendly to the children, which made our Indians glad. 200 citizens were also here for defense, and they were replaced by others this morning. Alongside the commanding officers, many distinguished people from the city were also here. At midday, Br. Grube and Schmick held services in the rooms because we could not come together in our normal gathering place due to the unrest. In the afternoon, several brothers and sisters from the city visited us. Our Indians did not come out of their rooms today. They were very frightened by the 18-pound cannons, and because they stood so near to the house, the windows also suffered some damage. The watches were set double. Our hearts were quite light today, however, and the Daily Text comforted us.

February 6: At midnight a great alarm was sounded. Everyone took up arms, the bells in the city were rung, the citizenry awoken and called to city hall because the news came in that the rebels would be there at daybreak. Our Indians slept very peacefully and took little notice of the noise. This morning some Brethren from the city visited us. The whole day was spent in the greatest commotion. Two citizen-companies, including many Quakers carrying arms,(4) arrived here. The Indians were visited quite frequently. A message came in that a party of the rebels had already arrived in Germantown. This evening Brs. Grube and Schmick brought the Daily Text to our Indian Brethren for comfort: for there is no restraint to the Lord to save by many or by few.(5)

February 7: We held services in the rooms and spoke about our beautiful text for today: Hitherto hath the Lord helped us.(6) Oh now let him continue to do so. The bells in the city were soon rung again for the gathering of the citizens. Four more cannons were mounted before our house and loaded with grapeshot. We heard today that the rebels insist on having a few of our Indians that they allege to have seen in Pittsburgh and in other places. Moreover, we heard that our dear old Jacob has become sick in prison with smallpox and ...

February 8: ... in the morning at six o’clock passed away. Today there were various alarms. The soldiers were arranged at posts. A few Quakers told us that the enemies had wanted to attack Joh. Pepunhang and his family in Frankfurt, but, God be praised, he was already gone. Mr. Fox and Mr. Pemperton also had to leave the city for the Jerseys. Sr. Schmicken came down with hemorrhagic fever today, and Geschee, Renatus’s wife, came down with the pox. Our good Indians also had to endure much cold, because there is little wood to be had. The evening service was held in the normal calmness.

February 9: The body of our blessed old Jacob was brought to the Potters Field to rest and was blessed by Br. Schmick. Mr. Daniel Benezet and various Brethren were also there. Br. Schmick visited Mr. Fox, who was very glad to see him and to hear of the well being of the Indians. Mr. Huse, the Commissioner, visited all our Indians with one of the Paxtons and looked at them closely, but he recognized none. A minister from the English church came and wished our Indians much joy and deliverance.(7) He was particularly pleased with our children, who greeted him and shook his hand. In the evening, the officers from the artillery came to visit and wished our Indians well. The Honorable Governor’s brother, with several more gentlemen, were taken around the city. Above all, many people are pleased that the matter is concluded so well and without bloodshed. We received letters from our dear hearts Nathanael and Peter, which comforted us greatly. In the evening service, the greetings from them were bestowed on the brothers and sisters. Sr. Schmick was very sick today, she had to be bled.

February 10: We had the usual visitors. Mr. Anthony Benezet and a few other Quakers were sent here from their Society to inquire of us whether several Indians here were missed, because there is a report in the city that the Quakers had taken six of our Indians out of the barracks and enticed them to their side. In the evening, Captains Schlosser and Makintosch asked the same thing. We could assure them of the opposite, however.

February 11: Br. Grube held the morning and Br. Schmick the evening services in our normal gathering place. Captain Schlosser, with various dignitaries from the city, visited the Indians. The Quakers also came to see us a lot. Juliana, Jemy’s wife, bore a son. Both asked for the baptism of their child. We told them, however, that it could not happen until they themselves were both absolved by the Savior and the Gemeine, etc.

February 12 [Symbol for Sunday]: Br. Schmick preached about the Strength of God that makes blessed all that believe in it. Many people from the city and soldiers were at the sermon. In the afternoon, a great many people were here to see the Indians, they had to bar their rooms in order to have a little peace. Many people came and asked about the service, because the soldiers talk much about how prettily our Indians can sing. In the evening, Br. Grube held the service about the Daily Text: And the Lord was gracious unto them, and had compassion on them, and had respect unto them, because of his covenant with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.(8) In the evening at nine o’clock Geschee, Renatus’s wife, went blessedly to the Savior from the pox.

February 13: Br. Schmick held the early service, after which he went to Mr. Fox and Renatus in order to tell them about Geschee’s passing. The good Renatus wept much for his wife. In the evening service, soldiers and other people were again there.

February 14: The body of our dear Geschee was brought to rest in the Potters Field by Br. Grube. Mr. Fox visited the Indians, who gave him a friendly greeting.

February 16: Br. Schmick held the early service about the Daily Text. Our Br. Grube was very sick, he had feverish shakes and much pain. Benigna and A. Justina were spoken to separately about the circumstances of their hearts, because they had trespassed during the trip. Ludwig Weiss was here to visit in the morning and afternoon. Colonel Clöther and Colonel Worck and Job Chelloway visited Joh. Pepunhang. The regimental doctor, Stieversen, send some powders for the sick Nathan. Capt. Makintosch and Lieut. Winter, as well as several Quakers, visited the Indians.

February 17: Joh. Pepunhang and his wife were spoken to because he thinks of going on a trip to Indian country soon. Everyone was busy all day long with chopping wood, which was distributed. Others made leather from beaver pelts that a hat maker in the city had given to our Indians. Br. Grube was somewhat better. Mr. Thom. Epty spoke here and reported on his journey to Sir William Johnson. Nathan lay very sick and is very swollen in the face.

February 18: Br. Schmick went into the city to buy some things for us and for the Indians. Ludwig and Jacob Weiss were here to visit in the morning, the latter to bleed Br. Grube. In the afternoon, many people from the city were here to see the Indians. Towards evening Lieut. Winter asked permission to bring four gentlemen to our evening service.

[Symbol for Sunday] February 19: At midday, Br. Schmick preached about today’s Doctrinal Text, soldiers and other people were present. In the afternoon, a soldier who died here yesterday was buried, accompanied by his Company. The Honorable Governor’s brother was also here.

February 20: After the early service, first Br. Schmick and then his wife visited the Indians in their rooms, and they found several sick.

February 21: Our dear Joh. Pepunhang tearfully left us for his journey into Indian Country. Job Chelloway, his interpreter, went with him, and Colonel Clöthen will accompany them to Fort Allen. The Honorable Governor was here incognito and visited our Indians, particularly Joh. Pepunhang. At first, we were not aware [of his presence], until Br. Schmick recognized him outside the barracks. He was surprised that Br. Schmick lived in the barracks, he had thought [Schmick lived] in the Moravian House. Br. Schmick held the morning and evening services, after which a soldier came to Br. Schmick and thanked him very much that he had permission to go to the meetings, because he had not heard the word of God for six or seven years. These three companies of soldiers that are stationed here had been scattered since the last war in Canada, and many of them were stationed in the farthest forts that the English had taken from the French, but which were [then] taken again by the Indians in the current war, and their garrisons taken prisoner or killed. The officers and soldiers testify that there are so many Indians where they were that it would be impossible to wipe them out or bring them under the yoke.

February 23: After the morning service, Br. Schmick held a quarter-hour service for the communicant brothers and sisters and made known to them that the Abendmahl would be held this weekend. We began to interview [people in preparation for communion] and continued with it. Margin note: Br. Schmick visited Renatus in prison.

February 24: Most brothers and sisters were pleased and happy to enjoy the great thing [Abendmahl] again. They particularly expressed the thoughts of their hearts about the current difficult situation. A few said, we do not fear dying any more, we belong to the Savior and go to Him when we die. Others said: During the recent commotion, we were seized by fear, but we lay by the bed and prayed to the Savior, and he comforted us in our hearts so that all fear and anxiety disappeared. Of course, our poor people long for a place where they can live halfway safe again, for some people it causes some melancholy thoughts. Now dear Father in heaven has cared for us so faithfully before, He will continue to do so.

February 25: Br. Grube held the morning service on the today’s Daily Text. In the evening, Br. Schmick held the Singstunde, after which the communicant brothers and sisters had a pleasant Love Feast. A merciful Absolution then followed and the most blessed taste of the body and blood of our Lord. How courageous the poor little brown church was on its pilgrimage one cannot well describe. The number of the communicants was 37. This time seven could not go to Abendmahl. We were also especially thankful and glad that we were not disturbed and could hold it quite well in Br. Grube’s room.

[Symbol for Sunday] February 26: At noon Br. Grube preached about today’s text: We preach the crucified Christ etc. Various brothers and sisters from the city attended. In the afternoon, there were unusually many people here, particularly young people, to see the Indians. In the evening service, which Br. Schmick held, there were so many white people that half the audience had to stand outside the door. They were all very attentive and quiet. Nothing charmed the people more than to hear the Indians sing, and if we had a larger gathering space we could have several hundred in attendance daily. This evening little Jacob, Renatus’s son, was kissed home by the lamb [died] and ...

February 27: ... was buried by Br. Schmick at the Potters Field. As Renatus heard [the news] in prison, he wept bitterly and said, it is very hard for me, that I have lost my father, wife, and child, ah if only I would also be released.(9)

February 28: Many visitors were here again. A man from Skippack brought a sack full of axes and made a gift of them to the Indians. A soldier came to Br. Schmick with a letter of recommendation from Captain Schlosser and maintained strongly that he was trusted by him, but he was turned down. Peter Müller’s wife from Germantown visited us and the Indians with her daughter-in-law and were heartily kissed by the Indians. In the evening, Br. Grube held a service in the room, a few German people came and asked to listen.

February 29: We received many letters from Bethlehem and Nazareth. We closed this remarkable month, in which we have felt God’s miraculous hand over His people, with thanks and genuflection. The services were held daily, we have had many white people, particularly in the evening, as listeners. Now we want to see what our Lord will do to us in the future.

1. The Widow's choir celebrated an annual festival on February 2.
2. Josua 6:10. English translation taken from the King James version.
3. 1764 Daily Text book hymn citation: 1208, 1.
4. In addition to the underlining, this passage is highlighted with a "NB" in the margin.
5. 1 Sam. 14:6. English translation from the King James Version.
6. 1 Sam. 7:12. English translation from the King James Version.
7. The phrase "much joy and deliverance" is written in English in the original.
8. 2 Kings 13:23. English Translation taken from the King James Version.
9. German: "erlößt": This word carried the religious connotation of redeemed or saved, as well as the literal meaning of released. Presumably, the diarist meant to imply that Renatus wanted to be released from life, although his literal imprisonment give the statement a double meaning.

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Philadelphia Barracks
[note in pencil: revised version]
March 1764

March 1: Br. Schmick held an earnest and forceful morning service, because a few of our bad people behaved very poorly last night. We sent letters to Bethlehem with the Nazareth wagon, as well as the diary for the last months.

March 2: The soldiers received orders from Captain Schlosser not to let anyone into the barracks without permission from the officers, because the Indians will be overrun by all kinds of people and a mishap could easily happen. Because Peter was disobedient to the brothers and against our will had traded with the soldiers, 3 £ gold that he had received the day before for his horse was stolen out of his pocket by a soldier. Brother and Sister Neusser and a few other sisters were here to visit, as well as Mr. Pemperton, who bought many spoons from our Indians. A good friend from Lancaster visited the Indians with pleasure.

March 4 [Symbol for Sunday]: Br. Schmick preached in the Mahican language. Many people from the city were in the meeting. At the evening service, Br. Grube spoke about the Daily Text: The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace.(2) Various orderly city-people and soldiers listened with devotion. Our Indians had more peace today than usual, because the watch had strict orders to let no one in the Indian rooms.

March 5: It was quiet calm around us. Our men folk were diligently making spoons so that they could buy some bread for their children.

March 6: Br. Micksch came as an Express with letters from Bethlehem. Br. Schmick went immediately thereafter to Mr. Fox to speak about the Indian Single Sisters which are to be sent here from Bethlehem.

March 7: Our dear David Zeisberger came here from Bethlehem with the intention of going on pilgrimage with us again. A few of our Indians began to be sickly, because they are not accustomed to eating salted meat and fish.

March 9: Mr. Epdy came to visit. He came back from Sir William Johnson yesterday, but he could report nothing reliable about our coming trip. In the afternoon, Sr. Anna Rosel came from Bethlehem with the stage and brought four Indian Single Sisters with her, who are to remain in the barracks with us. They were lodged with Br. and Sr. Schebosch and their child in a separate room. Their arrival was soon after reported to the Governor and the commanding officers. Br. Marshall and David visited us. Jannetje, Regina, and Eva, who had nursed Geschee and her child and [then] withstood their [consequent] quarantine, were put back in their rooms. Andreas and David got fevers. In the evening was a Singstunde.

†

March 18 [Symbol for Sunday]: Br. Schmick preached in the morning and in the evening Br. Grube held the service. This afternoon was very uneasy here, the people from the city frequently come to see the Indians.

March 19: Br. Schmick went to the Honorable Governor in order to learn whether our trip will soon take place.(2) He received for an answer, however, that the matter is not yet determined. Jacob Weiss visited our sick people and gave them medicine. Captain Makintosch, who saw our Indian Single Sisters, regretted greatly that they should be brought into the wilderness, admired their decency, and said: I have never seen such people in my life. So say many other people who come to see them. Even the soldiers respect for their rooms and do not come near them.

March 20: Captain Mackintosch searched the barracks because so many dissolute women folk stay here and engage in such an immoral life with the soldiers that there is little rest for them, day or night. Br. Schittelhelm’s youngest son gave a Love Feast to our Indian boys for his birthday today. Our children sang a little verse to him; at the end, they all kissed him heartily. There were strangers again in the evening service.

March 22: After the morning service, the communicant brothers and sisters had their quarter-hour service, in which it was made known to them that we would have Abendmahl [communion] this week. Br. and Sr. Schmick began to interview those from Nain, and the Grubes those from Weequetank. We found that the dear Mother [Holy Spirit] works incessantly on the hearts. Many wept for joy when they heard that even here in the barracks there shall be Abendmahl, and said: we feel ashamed that the Savior does so much good for us when we are yet such bad people. We want to stay with Jesus’ people, if the Brethren should leave us, however, we would be very sad, since the words which the Brethren say to us from the Savior are our comfort, particularly in our current sad and difficult circumstances, when almost all people hate us and want to kill us.

March 23: We heard that one does not want us to have permission to move through New York.

†

March 25 [Symbol for Sunday]: At midday, Br. Grube preached about the subject of today’s festival. In the afternoon was the Abendmahl. Soon afterwards, Johannes Pepunhang and Job. Chelloway arrived in the company of Major Clayton and Capt. Ervins, from the Susquehanna via Bethlehem, which made us very glad, because for a few days already we had been very worried about our dear Johannes Pepunhang. [He also] brought his daughter with him from Machchihising. The Indians up there are said to live in much uneasiness and have to suffer much hunger. Br. David Zeisberger held a blessed evening service.

†

1. Numbers 6:26. English translation taken from the King James Version.
2. Discussions about how and when to return the Indians to "Indian Country" continued for over a year.

April

April 1 [Symbol for Sunday]: In the morning, Br. Schmick preached and had many people to listen. It was very hard for us today, because too many people came into the barracks to see the Indians. We therefore asked the sergeant from the watch to put a stop to their coming.

April 2: Capt. Schlosser visited us. He told us that, on order of the colonel, he and his company would march away from here at the earliest day. We were very worried about our poor Indians because it seemed that no one wants to take care of them anymore. One sees in the writings that are published almost every day the many accusations and great enmity against our Indians; that through [such writings] the people are enticed to be more and more against us, and if our dear Lord does not specifically protect us, then we must still become victims. Today we had our people bled. Benjamin is very sick and contract. [Part of entry omitted]

†

April 3: Because last night again two of our worst people behaved themselves badly, Josua talked with the Mahican people and Anton with the Delaware, and explained to them the kind of misfortune that could come to all of them because of a couple bad people. The ill-doers promised that they would never again do it. The Single Sister Marthel was sick. Mr. Fox provided us with food today.

April 5: Dear Br. Peter from Bethlehem gladdened us with his visit, he saw all of the Indians in their rooms. They greeted him warmly and rejoiced to see their dear Br. Peter one more time. Br. Schmick and Br. David went to visit some of the Honorable Governor’s advisors this afternoon, in order to make known the concerns of the Indians. Br. Marshall visited us. Our men folk gathered today and deliberated over the suggestion that they wanted to make to the Governor regarding their trip to General Johnson, namely, that the Government might bring them to the border, and afterwards they would see how they could get themselves through.

April 7: Br. Schmick and Br. David went to the Honorable Governor and conveyed the concerns of the Indians. At the same time, they visited several other Magistrates to get an idea of their good advice. They came back home however without any hope that our poor Indians might be helped. Our dear Indians were totally downcast by this news. We consoled them though, that our dear Lord would already have an idea for them, although it was as yet impossible to see it. Some Quaker women visited our Indians and gave our Single Sisters 20 Shillings. Two Indians from Mr. Braynard’s people from the Jerseys visited their friends here.

†

April 10: The Honorable Governor sent his Secretary and one of his Counselors to our Indians to hear their suggestions about how they thought to come to Sir William Johnson. Our Indians explained themselves thus: that it was quite possible; if they were first brought safely to the frontier, they could help themselves to get farther. These two gentlemen promised to inform the Honorable Governor, to whom it was very important that the Indians might be safely and happily brought to their lands again, etc. etc. Colonel Bouquet and many officers were in the barracks for the mustering and exercising of the soldiers. Yesterday our dear old Emy went with her sister to the Jerseys; we had nothing against it, because she is old and incapacitated and can not get along any more, her heart will stay with the Savior and keep His people dear.

†

April 12: We had a blessed morning service. At midday, Mr. Fox came and told us in the name of the Honorable Governor that he, with his Counsel, had considered our circumstances, [but] they could not give us permission to go to New York and settle there. In the current situation, we could not be sent to Indian country, because we would lack for food and could quite easily come into danger of being attacked by enemy Indians. Also, we could easily be blamed if a murder should be committed on the border. Thus it had been concluded that we should be transported back to Province Island, and a watch of soldiers would be provided. As our Indian Brethren heard this report, they were very glad and had Mr. Fox thank the Honorable Governor. We had been perplexed about our Indians for several weeks and have given our faithful Lord many good words about them, that he might arrange everything according to his Heart. And we repeat to Him in reward and praise, He had made everything well so far.

April 13: Br. and Sr. Schmick and Sr. Grube visited Mistress Fox and were welcomed very warmly by her. Various officers and distinguished people were here to visit. The young Josua had to play for them on the spinet, which amazed them.

†

April 16: Br. Rothe, who stayed here for a long time and wanted to come with us to Indian country, went back to Bethlehem. Our dear David Zeisberger, however, resolved to stay here until Br. and Sr. Grube, who are going to Bethlehem to the synod, come back again.

April 18: Br. and Sr. Grube visited poor Renatus in prison, who was very glad of the visit. He is healthy and well and spends most of his time reading in children’s books. He asked often: Will I not be freed soon—because I am very tired of being here among the mean people.

April 19: The communicant brothers and sisters had a quarter-hour service for Maundy Thursday. Then were the interviews for Abendmahl. In the evening, first the sisters then the brothers had a blessed Foot Washing service. They were all very ashamed over the very unexpected blessing, because they thought that there was no possibility of having such a thing here. Br. David Zeisberger remained in the barracks with us this night.

April 20: Br. Schmick held the morning service. At ten o’clock, a beginning was made with reading the story of the suffering of our Lord in the Mahican language. Most of the day was spent doing it, many tears were spilt in the process, our Johannes Pepunhang, who heard it for the first time, was particularly taken by it. The soldiers were amazed by our frequent gatherings. In the evening, the communicant Gemeine, numbering 42, came together to taste the sacrament of our Lord. Joh. Pepunhang had the blessing of watching. Oh how glad and thankful we were to our bloody martyred man for this blessed day, which we could still hold undisturbed in the middle of the noise of the Earth.

†

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the barracks in Philadelphia
April 1764 – June [closing date written in pencil]

April 24: In the morning service, we gave ourselves anew to our dear man of pain. The brothers made spoons and the sisters baskets the entire day, so that they could buy some bread. Towards evening, David Owns, who recently came down here from the Susquehanna, was here with another man. He gave our people several reports from their friends who still live up there in peace and quiet. In the evening, Br. David held a blessed meeting [to celebrate] the joy of the Lord.

April 25: Br. Schmick held the morning and evening services. In the afternoon, Mr. Fox visited us and recommended our Indians have patience in the current circumstances.

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April 30: Br. Schmick visited the poor Renatus in jail and held a blessed band with him, for which he was very thankful. In the afternoon, Mr. Fox was here, and when he heard and saw that the Indians lacked wood, he went to the water himself, bought a couple wagons full, and brought them here. The Indians thanked him warmly, which pleased him well.

May

May 1: We thank our dear Lord from our hearts that He had let us feel something of his martyred and bloody atonement. Throughout the day, there were visitors from the city, the people bought spoons and baskets, the boys, however, [bought] bows and arrows.

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May 5: The soldiers marched out for Lancaster and Fort Loudon. One sergeant, with six healthy and six sick [soldiers], was left here for a watch.

[Symbol for Sunday] May 6: We felt strikingly well in the sermon and in the evening service. Many listeners from the city attended. In total, there were more than 1,000 people here today to see the Indians, who showed themselves very orderly and friendly. Various Brethren from the city and countryside visited us.

May 7: There were many people here again in the afternoon, among whom were Pastor Handschu and two colleagues, who are recently come from Europe. They inquired about the Indians and asked if they believed in the Savior, and since they heard that most were not only baptized but also went to communion, they were amazed and wished Br. Schmick much luck and blessings in his work. Johannes Pepunhang’s daughter came and spoke with us about her heart and [said] that she had already felt a desire for the Savior several times and would like to be baptized, since she did not know what else would help her.

May 8: In the morning, Sr. Schebosh bore a little daughter, who...

May 9: in the morning service was baptized by Br. Schmick and named Christiana. Josua Senior was very sick, also Johannis’ second daughter, Martha. An old man from Machchilusing and Pepunhang’s daughter asked for baptism.

May 10: Many boys from the city brought hickory wood in order to have bows and arrows made, in this way our boys earn some pennies for themselves with which they can buy bread.

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May 15: Near morning, Johannis’ and Lorel’s second daughter, Martha, [who was] ten years old, went to the Savior and was buried in the evening. Our dear Br. David Zeisberger also traveled from here to Bethlehem. He had stayed here ten weeks and served us very faithfully. This morning Br. Grube began an English school with the young people, who want it very much, and through it also gain more occupation.(1)

May 17: Mr. Penn, the Honorable Governor’s brother, visited all the Indians in their rooms with an officer, and asked Br. Schmick about a few things, namely, whether the Indians had enough to eat, [and] whether they were glad to remain in the barracks, and said: the latter [staying in the barracks] would be the best for them, because it would now be too unhealthy on Province Island. Because the soldiers are now gone, we can lodge our Indians better and with more room [by remaining in the barracks], which was very pleasing to them. Johannes, Lorel’s husband, was very sick.

May 19: Two Indian women came from the Jerseys and wanted to visit our Indians, but because they were drunk and had rum on them, they had to leave again. Today we had the first bread baked from our portion of flour by Br. Johann Peter, because we are not in a position to buy it any longer. In the evening service, we laid ourselves especially before the Savior’s heart and recommended ourselves to His faithful protection.

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May 22: The sick Johannes was absolved and went soon after to the Savior. He was baptized in 1744 in Shecomeco by the blessed Christian Henrich, came in 1748 to Gnadenhütten to live and was an participant at communion. When Gnadenhütten was destroyed, he lived for a while in Bethlehem and Gnadenthal, and finally in Nain, where he came into a confusion with his wife, and he went from there to the Susquehanna with his children, lived a year there, [then] came finally, though many prayers from his poor children, back to Nain, and asked for a little place to live with the Brethren, which was granted to him and his wife in Weequetank. He had a mild and changeable character, but there was a blessed election of him, thus the Savior brought him back to His people. Towards evening the Honorable Governor came here with his brother and a few other gentlemen to see the Indians, ordered a few Indian shoes and asked the young Josua to play the spinet, which they listened to with astonishment. In the afternoon, the sisters had an unusual gathering in which much about the rooms and the cooking was discussed. Finally, the new establishment of bands was made known to them, which was very dear to them and they wept for joy. They said also, we would like to become good and obedient children. Jacob Weiss was assigned to us by the Honorable Commissioners as a doctor.

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May 29: Our dear heart Nathanael came from Bethlehem to visit and was warmly welcomed by our Indian Brethren. The old Josua became quite violently sick with colic.

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1. "Occupation" appears in English in the original. It is unclear if the writer meant the school would give the young Indians more to do during their stay in the barracks or more opportunities once their stay in Philadelphia was over.

June

June 1: After the morning service, the communicants were informed in a special gathering about tomorrow’s Abendmahl, for which they were also interviewed. A brother and sister, who were not participants last time, were very small and sinner-like, and asked for forgiveness. The sick Lorel, who up to now has been in a bad situation of the heart and as if hardened, recognized her sins and asked for forgiveness, because she believes she will soon go out of time. The old Sarah, Abraham’s widow, who has been taking care of the sick, also became sick. A thorough band was held with Josua on his sickbed, and he was ashamed that he concerned himself with unnecessary thoughts.

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June 7: Early in the morning, Lorel’s body was brought to rest. Late in the evening, Mr. Fox came to us and brought fourteen Indians with him, Nanticokes and Delawares, who have been staying in the Jerseys for a while and were maintained by the Quakers, who have asked the Honorable Governor take them into the barracks for better security. Mr. Fox reminded them to be obedient and to follow our advice so that we would not make any complaints about them.

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June 10: Br. Grube held the midday festival sermon, as well as the evening service. Afterwards the communicant Brethren, and also some of the baptized and unbaptized people, came into the liturgical room where two old men, who have already for a long time asked for baptism with tears, were baptized in Jesus’ death by Brs. Grube and Schmick. The first received the name Nicodemus and the second Paulus. They have already, a year ago, heard the gospel from Br. David Zeisberger in Machihilusing, came down here last fall with Johannis Pepunhang and lived with us on the island, and since then they have become believers in the Savior. Our dear heart Marshall also went to this blessed act, and many tears were spilled by the baptized and unbaptized.

This morning our dear old Sara, Abraham’s wife, the first among the sisters, went blessedly to the Savior. She was baptized in 1742 by Br. Christian Henrich in Shecomeco, as the blessed Disciple [Zinzendorf] was there and established a conference, thus she was named an Eldress. In 1749, she came with her family to Gnadenhütten to live and had the blessing to be disciple several times. As her husband was made captain of the Indians in Stockbridge, however, and the Nanticokes and Shawnees made a pact with the Brethren,(1) he was seduced away from Gnadenhütten to move to Wajomick, with which our dear Sara was not wholly in agreement. Yet she had to follow her husband, and she came, through this, into bad circumstances. She was glad, however, every time she saw a brother from the Gemeine and always asked to hear something of the Savior. The last words of the old Abraham, before he went home [died], were with her: "You go, as soon as I am dead, back to the Gemeine and ask the Brethren to take you back in and forgive," which she did. She came to Nain a year ago with her daughter and youngest son, and they received permission to live in Weequetank, about which she rejoiced and for which she thanked the Savior. She had, however, no real rest, and she often asked for absolution with tears, which blessing she also took part in. She was also soon readmitted to Abendmahl, bending and ashamed. She was sinner-like and small, and, in our difficult circumstances, she always remained child-like and confident in the Savior. In her sickness she said, I would like to go to the Savior and that will happen on the next Sunday, which then came to pass, and we were warmly thankful to the Savior that he found this first fruit again and made her blessed again through his wounds.

June 11: Our dear Br. Marshall traveled again to Bethlehem. The body of our blessed Sara was brought to rest by Br. Grube in the Potters Field this evening, and, by the grave, he thanked the Savior in a childlike way for the blessed election from the heathen. In the evening, after the service, most of the brothers and sisters came together in the liturgical room for the baptism of our Johannis Pepunghang’s daughter, whom he brought down here this winter from the Susquehanna. She had already asked for baptism several times, because she felt that she could not become blessed without Jesus’ blood, which blessing she received, and she was baptized in Jesus’ blood by Br. Schmick with the name Sophia.

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June 14: Br. Schmick brought the two bodies [of the two Indians who died the previous day] to rest in Potters Field in the morning. Renatus was brought, very early, from here to Newtown by the Over and Under Sheriffs, the Prison Keeper, and Br. Schebosch. From there, Br. Schebosch and the Sheriff from Bucks County will bring him to Eastown, where his trial will take place on the 19th.

June 15: Br. Schmick held the early service. After that he traveled with Ludwig Weiss to Bethlehem to be there for Renatus’ trial in Eastown. In the evening, we had a blessed service about today’s Daily Text: Know ye not that ye are the temple of God, etc.(2)

June 16: The little Elisabeth, Lorel’s remaining child, went gently to the Savior. She was born on Province Island and baptized by Br. David Zeisberger. We were glad and thankful, that the Savior took this little orphan to himself so soon. Jacob Weiss visited our sick, and found that three of them have pox. The brethren’s bands [Gesellschaften] were held with blessing.

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June 19: Some Indians from the Jerseys came to visit their friends. We had much effort today to resist evil, and if the Savior did not specially support us, one could easily become powerless: because the Foe begins, in all sorts of ways, to bring our Indians into confusion. The bloody dysentery is also quite strong among our Indians.

June 21: Br. Grube celebrated his fiftieth birthday. Job Peep the Indian, who came a few days ago from the Jerseys with several other Indians, received permission from the Honorable Governor to take his wife and daughter with him. He had left them several years ago, and she had stayed with us for a while, but remained mostly dry and unfeeling. Job Chelloway, the Indian who is now in the service of the province, came to visit his wife and child. Our young people gave us much distress today.

June 23: Our dear Br. Schmick came back from Bethlehem today with the happy news that the poor Renatus underwent his trial in Eastown and on June 21st was declared free and innocent by the jury from the false accusations. Our Indians rejoiced greatly and were thankful that Renatus is now free again. Br. Schmick held the evening service and bestowed the greetings from the Brethren in Bethlehem and Renatus in Eastown. Br. and Sr. Neusser came from the city to visit us.

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June 25: During the early service, Rahel, Renatus’s youngest sister, fourteen years old, went to the Savior from the pox. She had a sensitive heart and often came to Srs. Grube and Schmick and spoke about her heart. She said: I am a poor child and feel my misery, but the Savior lets me feel his love, I now want to become and remain completely His. In the last band [Gesellschaft], she expressed particularly that she would like to go to the Savior. When Br. Grube visited her during her illness, he asked her if she was well and easy in her heart. She answered, yes, I have nothing that prevents me from going to the Savior, only I would like to see my brother Renatus one more time. She became weak soon thereafter and asked if someone could sing her a little verse and play on the Zitter. This last Elias did, and she received therewith the last blessing. She recovered further and passed eight more days, then she blessedly left. Her sisters Anna Johanna and Christine from Bethlehem were her nurses and now had to keep their quarantine.

Naemi’s girl also came to us, asked for baptism, and said: I will not live long, because my dear Rahel is now gone to the Savior. When she became sick she spoke heartily with me and said, I wish that you might come to the Savior, and let a blessed heart be given to you through baptism, because if you are not washed with Jesus’ blood, you will be lost. Now I do not feel well, and will soon go to the Savior, and now promise me that you will give your whole heart to Him.

June 26: Br. Schmick held the early service and reminded Johannes Pepunhang about his baptismal day today. Variously friendly officers came to see the Indians. In the German newspapers, it said that Renatus was declared innocent by the jurymen in the court in Eastown. We also received news from Bethlehem that our poor Renatus is still in mortal danger of being killed by Pöbel. Josua the younger was promised to Sophia, Pepunhang’s daughter, and, in the evening after the general services, they were married in a special service by Br. Grube.

June 27: Before the evening service Mr. Fox visited us, spoke with our Indians, and reminded them not to go out of the barracks, because he knew there were very many mean people in the city who did not wish us any good. For himself, he wished that they [the Indians] were 1,000 miles from here in safety, only now it was not possible to send them away. We heard also that the people in the city are very unsatisfied that Renatus was set free and acquitted. They would rather have seen that he was killed.

June 28: Ruth, Sem Evans wife, delivered a son. Ludwig, Joel’s 9-year-old son, died of a high fever, and was ...

June 29: buried in the Potters Field by Br. Grube. The little Schmick celebrated her second birthday, and gave the smallest children a Love Feast, by which they were very pleased. Sr. Grube got an attack of high fever. Mr. Schippen, Secretary, and Col. Francis saw our Indians. The sick Adolph asked fervently for the Absolution of his sins, which was given to him yet this evening in the name of the Savior. He then said to Br. Schmick, oh how light my heart now is, a great burden has been taken from me, etc.

June 30: We explained various matters to our people in a special service, particularly about going home [dying], because various of them have let themselves come into reasoning about it. Anton said at last: It is true what our wise brothers say, I know their hearts, and whoever says or thinks something against them, he speaks or thinks against the Savior, and I will have no part of it. Gottlob, Nathanael’s son, got the pox. Because his parents have not themselves had it, the last two to be baptized, old Br. Nicodemus and Peter, volunteered to care for Gottlob. They were placed in a special room on the south side. In the evening, Br. Grube closed this week with a Singstunde. In this month, we have particularly experienced the visits of the Savior, in that he took ten little brown sheep into his arms and had four people buried in his death. May he be thanked 1,000 times by our four poor hearts. The Schmicks and the Grubes.

1. See Gnadenhütten Journal
2. 1 Corinth. 3:16. English translation taken from the King James Version.

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the barracks in Philadelphia – 1764
July

July 1: This morning our dear old Hannah the Mahican went blessedly to the Savior. She was only sick a few days with dysentery, and no one suspected that she would go home [die] so quickly. She was baptized in 1751 in Pachgatgoch by the blessed Gottlieb Bezold. Came a few years later to Gnadenhütten to live. She had the blessing to go to communion, and followed her blessed and calm course until her end. At midday, Br. Grube preached about today’s daily text: As the Lord Jesus took her on, so she changed in him. Marie, Benigna’s daughter, got the pox. The old Delaware Hanna volunteered to care for her, we gave her a special room on the south side of the barracks. The young Philippus and Abraham behaved very badly.

July 2: Early, Br. Schmick brought the body of our blessed Hanna to rest in Potters Field.

July 4: Before day, Br. Rothe and John Jones brought Renatus from Eastown, he was settled in very quietly. When the Indian brothers and sisters awoke and heard that Renatus was there, they were very glad. They soon came and greeted him warmly. We were thankful to the Savior for the merciful rescue of his life. From the Jerseys, we heard that the old Sara, Jo Peeps wife, is very sick. Br. Rothe visited the Indians in their rooms. In the evening service, which Br. Schmick held, there were a few people from the city again. The young Sara, Abraham’s daughter, lies very sick and asked earnestly for forgiveness, which she has already done several times. The blessing was given to her in the name of the Savior.

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July 6: We spoke with our people very earnestly because we heard that many are concerning themselves with damaging stories regarding the Brethren, and that Job Chelloway is said to have been a leader in it.

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July 11: This morning four went home [died], namely: Adolph, Levi, Marie, and Abraham, the last two of the pox, which has caused much reflection among our people. We thanked the Savior, however, that he intended such good for these people that he always took one after another into safety. A few young people put us in an awkward situation today, because they went too far from the barracks without our knowledge and could have come into mortal danger by doing so. Adolph’s and Marie’s bodies were buried by Br. Grube in Potters Field this evening.

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July 16 [First part of entry omitted]: These past days some of our people made us very uncomfortable because they insisted on going into the wilderness, so we were forced to explain to them the danger and misery in which they would be putting themselves and those they left behind, etc. etc. Salome, Salomon’s widow, went blessedly to the Savior. She came to Nain a few years ago on the occasion of the treaty in Eastown, heard the Gospel there and believed it, and was baptized by Br. Peter in 1761. She was soon thereafter an enjoyer of the body and blood of Jesus, and she followed her course blessedly until her End. She was, with her husband, a joy and a wonder of mercy to us. She had shown much faithfulness and love to the sick in her room, and her blessed man [departed husband] made the agreement with her that she should soon come after him, which then happened. The upcoming Abendmahl was made known to the communicant brothers and sisters.

July 17: In the morning, Priscilla, Nathanael’s wife, went home from the pox, about which we were not comforted. Today Josua and Bathseba were spoken to especially; both are in dangerous circumstances. The two bodies were brought to Potters Field by Br. Schmick towards evening.

July 18: Our dear Elias, Andreas’s son, went to the Savior from the pox. He was very pleased in his sickness and spoke of nothing but the Savior and that he would soon go to Him. A few days before his end, he had the Brothers asked that when his wife should give birth, the child would be baptized, which was promised him and for which he was thankful and said: my dear hour is near, and so the Good Shepherd took him in His arms. He could play prettily on the Zitter, as well as on the Spinet, and passed most of his time here with that. We are very comforted about him.

July 19: His body was brought to rest by Br. Grube. Yesterday Mr. Fox sent another doctor to us to visit the sick. The old Josua and various other Indians asked Job Chelloway to go to the Governor’s secretary in their names to let him know that that they wanted to speak with the Governor themselves.

July 20: [Today] was the most blessed day for our dear, old, blind, sister Thamar, Anton’s mother, because she had the blessing: His eyes, his mouth, the body wounded for us, that we build so firmly, go to see joyfully, and in his presence greet the wounds on hand and foot. In 1750, she was carried by her two sons forty miles from the Susquehanna to Gnadenhütten because she wanted to hear the Word. She was baptized that same year by Br. Martin and afterwards had the blessing of going to communion. She lived in Bethlehem and Nain after the destruction of Gnadenhütten. She had already been blind for several years, but the Savior was thus all the nearer to her. She confessed to Sr. Schmick several times that she had seen the Savior standing before her, giving her His hand and [that He] was very friendly to her. She was also very calm in all circumstances. On our difficult pilgrimage since last fall, she endured much. Fourteen days ago, she became sick with dysentery, which served to be her blessed release. A few minutes before her end, she said to Sr. Esther: Now I feel no more pain, the Savior beckoned me, He will take me to him soon, which then happened under the blessing of Sr. Schmick. Her age was some eighty years. Job Chelloway’s eight-year-old daughter also died from the pox. She came down here last fall with her parents from Machchilusing. The communicants were interviewed for the Abendmahl[.]

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July 23: [First part of entry omitted]: After the early service, all the men and women folk came together. We asked to know who it was who wanted to go to the wilderness. The young people said: it is us. The women folk, said, however, where should we go? We stay with the Savior and the Brethren. Br. Schmick went to the Honorable Governor, because he had asked to speak to him about the Indian’s request to speak with him themselves. [Schmick] found him not at home, however, because he had traveled to Lancaster. Jacob Weiss visited our sick.

July 24: Last night three more went home [died], namely: 1) Beata, Joachim’s daughter, who was born in 1756 and baptized by Br. Bader in Bethlehem. She was a dear child and had the Savior very dear. She was always sickly, got the pox and seemed to come through quite okay, [but] at the end she got dysentery also, which exhausted her little body, and thus she went over into the Savior’s arms. 2) Joel, who was mostly blind, was baptized by the blessed Br. Gottlieb Bezold in 1751 in Gnadenhütten, went to communion, lived the last few years in Weequetank, [and] was also sick most of the time. Last fall he retreated with the other brothers and sisters to Nazareth and was afterwards satisfied during our entire difficult pilgrimage. His heart hung on the Savior and at the end he gave himself willingly to help care for the sick. He soon became sick himself, however, and went blessedly and glad with those whom he had served over into the healthy realm. 3) Isaac, Abraham and Sara’s youngest son, was born in 1741 in Gnadenhütten and baptized by Br. Martin Mack. His parents put him in the Macungie School for a few years, but he was given back to his parents because of his sickliness. His parents, to his detriment, took him to the Susquehanna. When, a year ago, his mother came to the Brethren again, she asked for permission for her son to live with the Brethren. He got the pox fourteen days ago, [she?] could not visit him, however, because she had not yet had the pox. We are of the hope that the Savior has taken him to Him out of mercy. After the morning service, Susanna’s little daughter was baptized by Br. Grube and called Martha. This night five of the young people behaved very badly, so that we could sleep very little.

July 28 __ [First part of entry omitted]: Elisabeth, Bartholomew’s wife, bore a daughter, who...

July 30: was baptized by Br. Schmick and called Elisabeth. Little Johanna Schmick was very sick yesterday and today.

July 31: Schebosch went with Job Chelloway and Johannes Pepunhang three miles from here to fish, with permission of the sergeant, and came back home in the evening. And so we closed this month with thanks and joyful tears for the blessed visits of our dear Lord, who took twenty souls out of our midst into his arms. The difficulties that we also had this month we gladly forget when we remember how our friends had to work day and night on our behalf, and gave themselves for us. Amen.

Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, 1764
August

August 1: At the beginning of this month, various young people made our hearts heavy.

August 2: We sent our Diary from last month to Bethlehem. Our dear old Br. Bechtel came here to visit and brought us letters. Mr. Dan. Benezet send us a half cord maple wood for spoons and baskets, which was then soon distributed in the families. Our people were glad that they received work again, which is very healthy for them.

August 7: After the morning service, the little son that Juliana left behind [when she died in the epidemic] was baptized by Br. Grube and called Petrus. He went to his eternal rest soon thereafter.

August 8: Last night, our dear old Erdmuth went over into Jesus’ arms and lap. She was baptized by Br. Nathanael in Gnadenhütten in 1751. She asked to participate in Holy Communion, was a true heart in all temptations. Tediusgund, her daughter’s husband, and her children themselves, spared no effort to pull her from the Savior and the Gemeine. She held herself all the closer to the Savior, however, and said often to her children: Do what you want, but I stay with the Savior and His people. In our recent difficult circumstances, she always had good spirits and left herself completely to the Savior. In the interview before the last Abendmahl she said: I know, and I feel it, that I belong to the Savior with body and soul, he can do what me what he will, I live for Him and I also want to die for Him. Eight days later, she became sick. When one asked her what hurt her, she said: I have no pain, I have only a little heat. She also made her last will and gave the little Augustus, her grandson, to Lucia, who should keep him until he can come to the Gemeine, because she said: He belongs to the Gemeine and otherwise to no one. The Brethren in Bethlehem should also have my things, with that she was very pleased and well. A few days before her end she gave a beautiful prayer before her people and begged the Savior with her heart that He might make all our Indians right blessed, because she had tasted his blood, the Savior should not become tired taking pity on her and forgiving her sins, etc. She always lay still like a lamb, and her heart was with her eternal husband until her end. She received the last blessing with the words: Open arms take her; pale lips kiss her on the heart. And so her most faithful friend took her in his arms and those that were present had a blessed feeling thereby. She was one of our best sisters. Four Indians went out with a soldier to look for herbs.

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August 10: Philippina asked for baptism for her sick child, which request was granted to her. Br. Schmick baptized her and gave her the name of Esther.

August 11: She went home [died] and was...

August 13: buried by Br. Schmick. We received letters from England from Br. Broderson, which made us very glad. Nicodemus and Paulus, who have cared for those sick with the pox, have endured their quarantine and came back into their rooms.

August 14: Our little Johanna Schmick became very sick. Br. Schmick went to the Honorable Governor to make the concerns of the Indians known to him. Namely: that they want to be in the wilderness again because they are so sick here. To that the Governor answered that it was now a pure impossibility to let them go to the wilderness, as long as there was war with the Indians; because as soon as there was a deadly attack on the frontier, then they would be given the blame, and he also did not trust all our young people. He also knew of no better place for them than the barracks. Their necessary support and clothing will also still be taken care of. We received a few cords maple wood, which was soon distributed. The men folk began immediately to make spoons in order to earn something.

August 15: Today’s Daily Text was very good for our hearts: He consoled them, and spoke with them in a friendly way. Br. Schmick got a fever and his little daughter was also very sick. The little Anna Rosia, Gottlieb’s and Anna Rosina’s little 1 year old daughter, when to the Savior.

August 16: She was buried by Br. Grube. Br. Schmick had to go to the City Hall again. He had the opportunity to speak with the Governor, and to tell him the views of the Indians regarding his last answer, which, however, amazed him, particularly that Pepunhang insisted on speaking with him himself. He did not reject that completely, but he said: If his request is only to go back to the Susquehanna again, then it would be futile that he speak with him, it could not now happen. The Honorable Commissioners behaved very kindly to Br. Schmick and asked him to draft a list of how much clothing, approximately, the Indians need. Today’s Text: before whose eyes Jesus Christ hath been evidently set forth (1) was very striking to the heart of the teacher.

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August 25: Early, Anna Johanna, Timothy’s wife, went right happily to the Savior. She was baptized, in her eighth year, in 1749, by the blessed Cammerhof. A few years ago, she achieved the blessing of going to Abendmahl. She was married with Timothy. She was very depressed when her Br. Renatus was brought to Philadelphia to prison and when her old father Jacob died. When Renatus was free again, she was very glad; when she saw, however, that he wanted to go his own way again, she spoke often with him and tearfully asked him to surrender himself completely to the Savior, so that he might not bring the Gemeine and the Savior to disgrace and to shame, and it had a good effect on him, because he said afterwards, it is not my intention to become a disgrace to the Savior, but my mind is taken with several things that I’ve heard about our people since I’ve been here. I want to have the Savior very dear and follow him, etc. When her little daughter went home three weeks ago, she got a yearning desire also to go home. She spoke about this with her husband. He said: I’m glad that it is thus for you, but for me it is not so. In the last days before her sickness, she was very pleased and witnessed with every occasion how much she would like to go to the Savior. Seven days ago she became sick, she said immediately, now I will go to the Savior. When the visitors asked her how it was in her heart, she answered, very good, I am very poor, but the Savior is mine and I am His, and so she fell into sleep gently with the blessing of the Gemeine. Because Br. Grube and Br. Schmick were sick, Br. Neusser took care of the burial this evening. This night our little and dear Johanna Maria Schmick was kissed home by the little lamb [died]. She had already been very sick for six weeks and had in her dying life,(2) which lasted fourteen months, experienced quite a bit of this miserable life.

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August 27: In the morning, the body of little Johanna Maria Schmick was buried by Br. Neusser in the Brethren’s God’s Acre. Peter, also called Harris, also had the mercy of going home. He was baptized in 1750 by the blessed Cammerhof. He lived a while in Gnadenhütten and attended Abendmahl, and was, as long as his blessed wife Theodora lived, in a very nice path. When she went home, however, and Mahony (3) was soon after destroyed, he reached the Susquehanna and came there into bad circumstances. At the time of the treaty in Eastown he came again to Nain, asked the Brethren for forgiveness and that they might take pity on him again, and one noticed again soon a blessed working in his heart. The Brethren allowed him to live in Weequetank, and he was often on a good trail, but because he did not want to be a sinner, the Savior could not establish much in his heart. When, a year ago, the disturbances of the war began, he was very faithful and watchful, and said: if we can not maintain ourselves here any longer, let us rather go to the Brethren in Nazareth and die there, because we do not want to go back into the wilderness. In his illness he prayed fervently for forgiveness and said, I have used and troubled the Brethren and the Savior very much and have never been just right, I have felt quite well that the Savior and the Brethren meant well with me, but I have always listened to my backwards heart. To his wife he said, you are the reason that I am still with the Brethren, otherwise I would already be long gone. I thank you for your faithfulness and your love, ask also for forgiveness that I have often disturbed you in your blessedness, I go home as a sinner and leave myself on the Savior’s mercy and love, and so he departed with the blessing of the Gemeine. Otherwise, he was a diligent man, a good hunter, and helper of the poor.

†

August 30: Job Chelloway went with his family away from here to Frankfurt.

August 31: Br. Marshall gave our Indians a small pleasure, giving them 220 ears of green corn, which is a rarity here. Br. Schmick, who has been quite sick recently, found himself a good deal better today. Our hearts are very thankful to the Savior for His repeated merciful visits this month, and that He took eleven souls to himself in peace.

1. Gal., 3:1. English translation taken from the King James Version.
2. Moravian euphemism for one’s life on earth
3. The settlement at Gnadenhütten

Diary of the little Indian Gemeine in the barracks in Philadelphia – 1764
September and October

September 1: Br. Rothe came from Bethlehem with letters from Br. Nathanael, to give us a hand during our sickly circumstances.

September 2 [Symbol for Sunday]: At midday, there was a blessed sermon about the Daily Text: They will set themselves at your feel and will learn from your words, as Marie did. In the afternoon, our dear Brother Marshall took his leave of us and went to Bethlehem. Br. Rothe moved in with us in the barracks and will stay until Br. Schmick is better.

September 3: Br. Rothe held the morning service, and Br. Schmick ventured out a little.

†

September 8: Br. Schmick visited Mr. Galloway and had the opportunity to tell him that Nain will soon be taken down.

September 10: He [Br. Schmick] went to Mr. Fox and gave him the list of necessary clothing items for the Indians, namely: blankets, shirts, stockings, etc. etc.

†

September 15: Br. David Zeisberger came from Bethlehem to visit. A few gentlemen from New York and Philadelphia were here to see the Indians. One of them knew Br. Joseph [Spangenberg] and various other Brethren and inquired about them. Among other things, he told us that this midday he was a guest at a merchant’s, where there was a minister present (presumably Whitefield), so someone asked him what he thought of the Moravians, and whether they would also go to heaven? He answered, yes, certainly, they will come rightly above etc. etc. Also, he said that four Indians of those who are in prison in New York have died, and that the others still lie sick.

September 16: Br. David Zeisberger held a blessed sermon and bands with Johannes Pepunhang. Mr. Fox came this afternoon and inquired about a white woman who is supposed to have been here to speak with a few of our Indians, who were to have taken her prisoner six years ago. The Honorable Governor has taken notice of this affair, but as far as we know, however, no such woman has been here. On this occasion, Mr. Fox also had all of the men folk come together and said to them that there was still no peace with the Indians; they should not wander around, but rather stay in the barracks, be obedient, and follow their ministers, which they all promised to do.

†

September 20: Br. Rothe, who was sent to help us in our sickness, went back to Bethlehem. Seven Jersey Indians, who had been in the market with baskets, visited their friends here, among whom was Mattheus, who lived in the Single Brother’s House for various years and had learned the tailor’s profession; he now associates himself with Mr. Brainard’s Indians. 800 Germans arrived on three ships from Holland, among whom were many mountain people, [who] came in crowds to see the Indians and believed they were gypsies. In the evening service, the misfortune was talked about [that occurs when] people move to the Gemeine, if they make it hard for their [church and choir] workers so that they have to sigh.

†

September 23: At midday there was a blessed sermon about the ten lepers and their rapid consumption. Very many of the newly-arrived Germans came to see the Indians, among them were various officers over the mountain people, who asked for permission to attend the evening service.

September 30: In the morning, Br. Schmick preached in the Brethren’s church and Grube in the barracks. Our little Lea, the three-year-old daughter that Elias and Susanna left behind, went blessedly to the Savior. She had already ailed for a couple months, and after her father and mother went to the Savior, she long to also, and said: My father and mother left me here and are with the Savior. I must also go there, and ought not to stay here any longer. In this she was inconsolable until she had the luck to receive her last kiss. She was a right dear child. In the evening, Br. Grube held a Society Gathering in the city.

October

October 1: [Today] was Election Day for the Assembly Men. The whole city was full of people from the countryside. The Honorable Governor had the sergeant announce in the barracks [that we should keep] a good watch and let no Indians go out, because they could easily come to harm. It was a calm day however, as well as night, so that we were thankful to the Savior from our hearts.

October 2: Br. Schmick held the early service and mentioned that today is our dear Br. Nathanael’s birthday, wishing him much blessedness. It was very uneasy in the city, the German people are said to be very angry at us.

October 4: Mr. Fox sent 71 blankets for our Indians, as well was linen for shirts, which...

October 5: was distributed, for which they were all very thankful. All the children, including the smallest, were provided with shirts. Some of them were already quite naked and could hardly cover themselves.

October 7: Br. Schmick held a blessed sermon about today’s gospel; various white people listened, as well as in the evening service.

October 9: Br. Schmick celebrated his 51st birthday. The Indian brothers and sisters all came to greet him. Mr. Whitefield came to us in the barracks, inquired when we held our services, and promised to visit us some time. Our sick Nathanael was very weak, but pleased in his heart.

October 14: He had the luck to pass into Jesus’ arms and lap. In 1749 he came the first time to Bethlehem from the Susquehanna to buy something and had the opportunity to attend an Indian baptism, at which his heart was very touched and he long to meet his God and Redeemer and to be washed by His blood, which blessing also soon befell him. He went home soon after and announced to his friends what had happened to him and how much the Savior loved all people. His friends were thus brought into embarrassment and resolved together to go to the Brethren to hear the good Word. They moved to Meniwolagomegok and afterwards to Gnadenhütten. Our Nathanael first had the blessing to go to communion. When the Mahony was destroyed by the Indians, he had the misfortune to be in the wilderness with his wife and children. He went to the Susquehanna and stayed for a while in the wilderness alone, but his wife troubled him until he went to Diago to the savages. He came then into very troubling circumstances. At the time of the Treaties in Eastown he came with his family back to the Brethren and begged for a little place to live with them, which request was granted to him with the Indians in Gnadenthal. He could not, however get any confidence in the Savior, until the Friend of Sinners revealed Himself to him in a very special way, granted him forgiveness for his sins in His blood, and took him into His people again, over which [Nathanael] spilled many tears. He also became a communicant again. Last year he went with Br. David Zeisberger to Machchilusing, preached day and night to the Indians of the martyrdom of our God, and praised in particular the great Friend of Sinner, who had shown himself to [Nathanael] so mercifully. In our recent difficult circumstances, he was cheerful and childlike. This summer he and his wife were sick of the pox, and the latter died of if. He had to endure much. In particular, he lacked the necessary care. He overcame the pox happily, but got the consumption, and then immediately the flu. At the last Abendmahl that he had the good fortune to share in, he took [communion] with many tears and was glad soon to be going to greet the wounds. Otherwise, he was learned, could write German and English, and took particular pleasure in singing. When he went on the hunt, he was never without a book and sometimes forgot his hunting for his learning. A few days before his sickness, Br. Grube held a band with him and several other brothers. He was very sincere and said: for me it is well, and I would like nothing more in the world than to feel the Savior and his wounds. It worries me that my Br. Johannis Pepunhang now plans to go into the wilderness again, because it is quite impossible. For my part, I do not want to go to the wilderness again. This he said with tears in his eyes. Now his desire has been fulfilled, and he rests now in Peace.

October 15: His body was brought to rest in Potters Field by Br. Grube.

†

October 20: Josua, Johannes Pepunhang, and Sem Evans, an unbaptized person, went to Mr. Allen, the Chief Justice, to speak with him regarding their departure. Almost all our poor people have the intention of leaving, and therefore they work very hard to bring it about yet this fall. We ask them often to have patience and leave it to the direction of the Savior, but it has little effect.

October 27: Our dear Br. Thrane and Sr. Marschall visited us. In the evening, the little Lucus, Carita’s foster son, had the fortune to be kissed home. He was the blessed Beata’s, Zacharai’s wife, last child, and he had ailed most of this summer. His ten siblings all went home young, and he was a very good and patient little sheep. We are very pleased and thankful to the Savior for his release.

October 28 [Symbol for Sunday]: Br. Grube preached about today’s Gospel. In the afternoon, Br. and Sr. Nathanael, Br. Thrane, and Sister Marschall pleased us with their visit and saw our Indians in their homes. [The Indians] were glad to see brothers and sisters from Bethlehem once again. In the evening, our dear Br. Nathanael held a blessed service, and visited us...

October 29: one more time, at which time we spoke with him about our circumstances. The body of our little Lucas was brought to rest by Br. Schmick. We are always glad and thankful when a month is over, and the Savior has mercifully helped us through outwardly and inwardly. His Gemeine will not forget us and lay His little brown flock diligently before His heart.

Diary of the little Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, 1764
November + December(1)

†

November 4 [Symbol for Sunday]: At midday Br. Schmick preached. The crowds of city folk were quite strong today.

†

November 12: Renatus and Marie, Josua’s sister, were married in a special service by Br. Schmick. Sr. Grube also celebrated her 49th birthday and was greeted by all the Indian Sisters warmly.

November 13: In the early service, today’s great day of blessing was brought to mind, and it was recommended to every heart to discuss everything thoroughly with his faithful elder. The old Josua, Joh. Pepunhang, Bartholomeaus, and Josua junior also went to the Susquehanna.(2) They have acquired a Pass from the Honorable Governor without our knowledge and claim to look for a place for future settlement on the Susquehanna. Their main goal however is the hunt. The other young people were very [disappointed?] not to be allowed to go with them.

November 14: Mr. Fox sent us 75 bushels of potatoes.

November 16: We moved a few rooms around because we saw that some of the young people are very harmful to each other.

†

November 20: Br. Schmick gave the Honorable Governor a petition about our maintenance.

November 21: We heard that Sem Evans and two more of our Indians had Mr. Allen give them a pass to catch mushrooms in the area. He freely gives our people the opportunity to move freely in the city and go everywhere, often with danger for their hearts. We are very perplexed about this, but cannot change it.

†

November 27: Br. Schebosch went to Bethlehem for his own duties. In the evening, we discovered that more young people wanted to leave, out of annoyance, because the four Indians listed above received permission to go to the Susquehanna.

November 28 and 29: The Daily Texts, which had to do with love for our Martyr-Man, were very striking to us.

December

December 1: The lame Jonathan, who, on our return trip from Amboy had stayed in Princetown to sell his land himself, came and asked to live with us in the barracks.(3)

†

December 4: News came into the city from Colonel Boquet that he has made peace with the enemy Indians on the other side of the Ohio, which news was very nice for us to hear.

December 6: The Proclamation from the Honorable Governor in the newspaper said that no more hostilities will be committed against the Indians. The city folk soon made this known to our Indians, who were very glad.

†

December 10: Several sisters came, crying and lamenting their concerns, particularly about going to the wilderness, which would be unendurable for them if no Brethren were to go with them, since their heart’s desire was to ever remain in connection with the Brethren.

December 16 [Symbol for Sunday]: Br. Schmick held the morning sermon and in the evening, Br. Grube held a German meeting. We thanked the Savior, who makes himself known to us so faithfully in all of our services.

December 18: Srs. Grube and Schmick visited Mrs. Benezet, which pleased her. She held a Heart-Band with them. Her only concern in the world is to know her redeemer better every day, and also to come into a closer connection with the Savior’s people.

December 20: Three men visited us, one of them was a prisoner among the Delaware Indians for eighteen months and was delivered to Col. Boquet a month ago. He could speak Indian quite well and told us that the Delaware and Schawan [Shawnee] Indians have not had any shortage of food, nor of powder and lead, besides clothing. He believed that it was right to make peace with the Delaware, but the Shawnee were false. This afternoon, Josua Sen., Pepunhang, Bartholomeaus, and Josua junior came back, in the company of Mr. Apty from Fort Allen. The first two were very high up on the Susquehanna. In Machchilusing, Pepunhang’s town, they met no more Indians, rather, most everything is destroyed. The Indians from the six nations wreaked havoc on the Susquehanna last summer, mowed down the corn, and spoiled things: shot the cattle and burned many small towns of Delaware and Mennisingen Indians. A few they killed and cut into pieces. The Indians up there are said to have spent the summer in the greatest confusion and fear. And it seems as if soon a war would break out among the Indians. Josua said to this: "We had thought that we had it very hard during the time here in the barracks, only it is no comparison with that with the Indians in the wilderness have suffered, and we recognize now that the Savior himself directed our circumstances, as the Brethren often said." Now they think they will move to the Susquehanna next spring, apparently a few to Machchilusing, but others a few miles above Wajomick.

†

December 24: Job Chelloway the Indian moved from here to Fort Allen with his wife and two children. At the same time Christian and Thomas, Justina’s son, went with him without our knowledge. The latter had received a pass from Mr. Allen. In the evening, Br. Schmick held a pleasing Love Feast with the children, at which everyone rejoiced over the newborn baby Jesus. Lastly, little lights were distributed which they took burning to their rooms. Afterwards the adults had their night watch and Love Feast, and the most beloved Jesus made his nearness felt right strongly. We thanked Him with many tears on our knees for his inexpressible Love and human incarnation.

December 25: Br. Schmick held a blessed festival sermon. There was today an especially blessed peace of God to be felt among our people.

December 27: After the morning service was the quarter-hour service for the communicants and...

December 28: the interviews [for the upcoming Abendmahl]. We could be glad over the work of the dear mother [the Holy Spirit]. A few felt their poverty and misery especially. Other were perplexed because they are not constantly in connection with the Savior, and others cling tightly to becoming known to the bloody Martyr Man and always living in his merit. Josua and Bathseba, who for quite a while have not gone with to Abendmahl, were also very sinner like and asked ardently to enjoy the Great Thing.

December 29: The Communion Agape was after the evening service. Afterwards there was a very comforting Absolution and a very blessed Abendmahl. The communicants were Anton and Johanna, Josua and Bathseba, Bartholomeaus and Elisabeth, Gottlieb and A[nna] Rosina, Schebosch and Christina, Joachim and Benigna, Marcus, Josua jun, Philippus, Lucia, Esther, Martel, Hanna, Marie, Naemi, and Agnes. The Fiend was everywhere very busy trying to disturb us in our plans, only he could not succeed.

†

December 31: We closed this so remarkable year with our eyes full of tears over the Recapitulation of all the special mercies visited upon us by our Lord, the striking blessings, the protection of our dear Father, and the unending motherly care of the Holy Spirit.

1. "December" written in pencil.
2. It is unclear if by "also" the writer intended that these Indians followed others who had already gone west, or if this departure was simply another thing that happened on November 13.
3. See entry for January 20, 1764.

Notable events in the year 1764

January 3: The particularly blessed communion on Province Island.

January 5: In the night at 1 o’clock our departure for Amboy. The very warm welcome into the Philadelphia Brethren’s House with a Love Feast.

Our journey in the company of seventy Scots [soldiers]. The visit of Br. Nathanael and Anna Johanna in Amboy.

The counter order of the Governor in New York when we were to go on the ships.

Our happy return trip in the company of 170 of the king’s soldiers, who came from Niagara.

The particular protection of our dear heavenly father on the ice at Brunswick.

January 24: Our happy arrival in the barracks at Philadelphia.

In the beginning of February, it was very troubled. Remarkable to us was the Daily Text of the fourth, as the soldiers prepared the defense. Ye shall not shout, nor make any noise with your voice, etc.(1) This night was one of the hardest.

February 6: we were strikingly comforted with the Daily Text: for there is no restraint to the Lord to save by many or by few.(2) and

February 7: It was: Hitherto hath the Lord helped us.(3) Oh now let him continue to do so.

In May was the beginning of our sickness.

The blessed work of the Holy Spirit on the sick.

Most of the Brethren’s special joy and desire to go to the Savior.

Br. and Sr. Grube and Schmick’s dangerous illness, and little Johanna Schmick’s home going.

Renatus’s being set free on June 21.

6 were born this year.

12 Baptized, namely: 6 children and 6 adults

Married: 2 pairs

Gone home: 56, namely: 21 children and 35 adults, including the two first fruits of the heathen Gemeine in North America, Jacob and Sara.

The Lord’s Supper was held seven times. The wonder and the blessings that He did for His poor brown people this year are not to be described. May thanks ever and ever be brought to the Lamb, who exudes all that is good with his blood.

1. Josua 6:10. English translation taken from the King James Version.
2. 1 Sam. 14:6. English translation taken from the King James Version.
3. 1 Sam. 7:12. English translation taken from the King James Version.

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Contents of this path:
1. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
2. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
3. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
4. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
5. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
6. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
Contents of this path:
1. Account for Maintaining Indians at Lancaster, December 27, 1763
2. Account of the Indian murders, December 27, 1763
3. An Act for Preventing Tumults and Riotous Assemblies
4. The Address of the People Called Quakers In defense of their conduct towards the Indians and settlers. "Signed on behalf and by order of a committee, appointed to represent our religious society in Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, at a meeting held in Philadelphia, the 25th of the second month, 1764. Samuel Emlen, Jun. clerk."--p. 11. Evans, C American bibliography, 9670; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W5867; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1941.
5. An Address of Thanks to the Wardens of Christ Church and St. Peters An address of thanks to the wardens of Christ Church and St. Peters, : and the Reverend W----S----h. D.D. [i.e. William Smith] provost of the college and tool to the p----r, and J---b D---e A.M. and MV.D. [i.e. Jacob Duche] From F---- A.----n D.D. [i.e. Francis Alison] and J---n E----g [i.e. John Ewing] in their own name and in the name of all the Presbyterian ministers in Pennsylvania. ... Reverend and worthy gentlemen; Permit us to return you ... our most sincere thanks for opening your church doors to dissenters in general, and us on particular ... to carry into execution a scheme of the utmost importance for the advantage of our profession; the down-fall of monarchy; and the support of a republican government ...
6. An Address to the Rev. Dr. Alison Relates to the dissensions caused by the Indians. Possibly written by Joseph Galloway. Half-title: An address to the Rev. Dr. Alison, the Rev. Mr. Ewing, &c. being a vindication of the Quakers. Place of publication and printer's name supplied by Evans. Signatures: pi_ A-C? D_ (D2 verso blank). Errata note, p. 47. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9892; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W6245; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2098; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 66908.
7. The Addition to the Epitaph "A burlesque in the form of a prayer to the Devil."--Hildeburn. Text begins: Thou great Prince of Darkness! Thou author of all rebellions and insurrections, whether Paxtonian or others! Thou Father of my friend the Kirk. Concerns the Paxton Boys' march on Philadelphia. The target of this satirical piece sided with the Paxton Boys, and opposed Benjamin Franklin's negotiations. At head of title, within an ornament (Reilly 120): The authentic one. Attributed by Evans to David James Dove. Imprint supplied by Evans.
8. An Answer to the Pamphlet Entitled "The Conduct of the Paxton Men"
9. Apology of the Paxton Volunteers
10. A Battle! A Battle!
11. A Battle! A Battle! (Extended)
12. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, June 27, 1763
14. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, February 11, 1764
17. By the Honourable John Penn By the Honourable John Penn, Esq; lieutenant-governor and commander in chief of the province of Pennsylvania, and counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, on Delaware, a proclamation. : Whereas on the twenty-second day of December last I issued a proclamation, for the apprehending and bringing to justice a number of persons, who ... had inhumanely killed six of the Indians, who had lived in Conestogoe Manor ... Given under my hand, and the great seal of the said province, at Philadelphia, the second day of January ... one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four.
18. Christopher Schultze to Israel Pemberton, August 29, 1760
19. Christopher Towne to Israel Pemberton, April 25, 1756
20. A Letter from Batista Angeloni Extracted from Shebbeare's Letters on the English nation, also published pseudonymously. Cf. the Dictionary of national biography. Probable place and date of publication suggested by Hildeburn. "The Cloven-Foot discovered."--p. 7-8, in verse. An attack on the Quakers for their dealings with and support of the Indians. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9838; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W13438; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2013.
21. A Letter From Batista Angeloni (Reprinted) Extracted from Shebbeare's Letters on the English nation, also published pseudonymously. Cf. the Dictionary of national biography. Probable place and date of publication suggested by Hildeburn. "The Cloven-Foot discovered."--p. 7-8, in verse. An attack on the Quakers for their dealings with and support of the Indians. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9838; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W13438; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2013.
22. Commission for Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
23. The Conduct of the Paxton Men Impartially Represented A defense of the Paxton boys, in reply to Benjamin Franklin's "A narrative of the late massacres, in Lancaster County, of a number of Indians." Attributed to Thomas Barton by Hildeburn and Evans. Also attributed to the Rev. John Ewing. Cf. Egle, W.H. History of the counties of Dauphin and Lebanon, 1883, p. 68. An added title page identifies John Creaig of Lancaster as bookseller. Signatures: pi [A]? B-D? E1. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9594; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W37505; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1957
25. A Conference Between the Devil and Doctor Dove
26. The Congregational Diary of Lancaster Moravian Church, December 27-28 , 1763
27. Conversation with the Indians, April 19, 1756
28. Cool Thoughts on the Present Situation of Our Public Affairs Caption title: A letter to a friend in the country. With a half-title. Signed on p. 22: A.B. Attributed to Benjamin Franklin by Evans. First published as a supplement to the Pennsylvania journal, Apr. 26, 1764. Dated on p. 5: Philadelphia, April 12, 1764. Signatures: [A]? B? (B4 blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9663; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W16998; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1990; Howes, W. U.S.iana (2nd ed.), F319
30. The Counter Medley
31. A Declaration and Remonstrance On the massacre of the Conestoga Indians by the "Paxton Boys" and the Indian policy of the Pennsylvania authorities. "Signed on behalf of ourselves, and by appointment of a great number of the frontier inhabitants. Matthew Smith. James Gibson. February 13th, 1764."--p. 18. Printer's name and place of publication supplied by Evans. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9630; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W37880; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1969
32. Deed from Indians on the Susquehanna (1700)
33. A Dialogue Between Andrew Trueman and Thomas Zealot
34. A Dialogue, Containing Some Reflections on the Late "Declaration and Remonstrance"
35. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
36. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
37. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
38. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
39. Edward Shippen to John Elder, December 16, 1763
40. Edward Shippen to James Burd, January 19, 1768
41. The Election, a Medley A pro-Franklin cartoon depicting a crowd gathered to vote at the Philadelphia courthouse during the Pennsylvania Assembly Election of October 1764. The print advocates Franklin's appointment as provincial agent to Britain despite his election loss which was a result of his double-sided politics in dealing with the "Paxton Boys;" white frontiersmen who murdered peaceful Native Americans. Contains thirty-three verses attributed to Rev. Isaac Hunt to be sung to various tunes. Created as an attack on satirist James Dove, referred to in this title as "Squire Lilliput Professor of Scurrility," in response to his anti-Franklin print, "The Paxton Expedition." The courthouse crowd includes caricatures of James Dove and five African Americans, including a woman stating "Mase Lidiput you puchuss a me;" a reference to a character pursued sexually by Dove in an earlier anti-Dove cartoon, "A Conference between the Devil and Mr. Dove" (1764). Place and date of publication provided by Snyder and Murrell. Possibly after the work of Henry Dawkins. Manuscript note on recto in Watson's hand: Wrote by the Revd. Isaac Hunt at or before 1764 - when Franklin was made agent to London for this "Medley" says "Franklin will be agent." [and] Property of John F. Watson. Manuscript note on verso: Purchased from John F. Watson, Esq. June 14 1860. C.P. [Charles Poulson].
42. Explanatory Remarks on the Assembly's Resolves
43. Franklin and the Quakers
44. Friends' Address to the Governor, April 1756
45. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, January 15, 1759
46. George Stevenson Letter (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
48. Governor Hamilton to Papunehan, October 12, 1761
49. An Historical Account of the Late Disturbance Signed on p. 8: From a true countryman. A subsequent impression (Evans 9697, Hildeburn 2003) has imprint: "Printed by Anthony Armbruster, in Moravian-Alley." That impression notes on the title page: "[Fist] The second edition, may be called a piracy. I said printed at Rome: I meant nothing but [cross] Printed in Second-Street, by Andrew Steuars-Stockfish." A.S. and Andrew Steuars-Stockfish evidently refer to Andrew Steuart, who also printed an edition of the work (not in Evans or Bristol). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9696; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W39302; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2002.
50. An Historical Account of the Late Disturbance (Reprinted)
51. A Humble Attempt at Scurrility In reply to an attack on Benjamin Franklin by John Hughes. Attributed to Isaac Hunt in the Dictionary of American biography. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. "Prologue to the coffee-house politician, or The justice caught in his own trap."--p. vii-viii. "Thirteen descriptions of the great A. drawn from the life by that celebrated master D---d J--s D-ve, poet laureat to the Pr---ry Party."--p. 38-42. Signatures: [A]? B-E? F_ (F2 verso blank). "Errata."--p. [43]. Evans, C. American bibliography, 10014; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W12797; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2134; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 25637.
52. An Indian Squaw King Wampum Spies
54. Israel Pemberton, Captive Inquiry As the French and Indian Wars wind down, The Commissioners for Indian Affairs are negotiating to secure the release of the white settlers that are still being held prisoners by the Indians. However even before a general Treaty, Trustees of the Mennonite Church are attempting to accelerate this release by offering the Indians 'presents' if they would escort the white prisoners from their lands to Pittsburgh. This gesture is to be considered payment for the cost and inconvenience to the Indians for this journey, and not as a ransom for releasing the white prisoners...Letter written by Israel Pemberton addressed to the Indian Affairs Commission inquiring about an agreement to instruct agents in Indian towns along the frontier to look into how many captives are in each town, and their physical descriptions. He also implores the commission to ask the agents to make inquiries to the "dispositions" of the Indians holding captives, as well as their readiness to accept ransom in exchange for release of captives.
55. Jacob Whistler Letter (March 12, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
56. Jacob Whistler to William Peters (April 9, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
57. John and Richard Penn to the Friendly Association, September 5, 1760
58. Journal of Christian Frederick Post, June 20, 1758
59. A Letter From a Clergyman in Town
60. A Letter From a Gentleman at Elizabeth Town to his Friend in New York
61. A Letter From a Gentleman in Transilvania to his Friend in America
62. Letter from Albrecht Ludolph Russmeyer to Nathanael Seidel, January 2, 1764
63. Letter from Matthaus Hehl to the Church Leadership, December 29, 1763
65. The Life and Adventures of a Certain Quaker Presbyterian Indian Colonel
66. A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians (Inscribed: J. Arbo) Inscribed: J. Arbo (Expanded). "To the friends of Pennsylvania and lovers of liberty. This Looking-glass is with much affection and great respect inscribed by a Pennsylvanian."--p. 3. Attributed to Isaac Hunt by Evans. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. "Appendix. The substance, of a council held at Lancaster August the 28th 1764, by a committee of Presbyterian ministers .."--p. [25]-34. "A dialogue between a churchman in the country, and a Presbyterian in the city of Philadelphia."--p. 35-38. "A letter from a gentleman in Transilvania"--p. 38-43, signed: Jack Traveller, Weissenburgh in Transilvania, August 1st, 1764. Attributed to Isaac Hunt in the Dictionary of American biography. Signatures [A]? B-E? [F]1 ([F]1 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9703; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W1775.
67. A Looking-Glass for Presbyterians (Numb. I)
68. Manuscript Copy of Remonstrance, February 13, 1764 Manuscript copy of remonstrance from Matthew Smith and James Gibson to Governor John Penn. They position themselves as representatives of public opinion, submit nine points that decry the perceived underrepresentation of the western counties in the Assembly and bill changing trial location of persons charged with killing Indians, allege that Indians under government protection conspired with others to plan attacks, lament lack of public funds for the care of wounded frontier residents, request new bounties for Indian scalps, request embargo to effect return of captives, accuse private individuals of trading and treating with enemies of the province, and requests Fort Augusta garrison be ordered to take more proactive measures. Handwritten copy, perhaps draft. 13 February 1764. Gift of Paul and Judy Ware, 2009.
69. Message to the Governor, October 12, 1761
70. A Narrative of the Late Massacres Generally attributed to Benjamin Franklin. Ascribed to the press of Franklin and Hall by Miller on the basis of the typeface used. Evans, Hildeburn, and P.L. Ford suggest Anthony Armbruster as printer. Sabin says "Written and printed by Franklin." Signatures: A-B? (B8 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9667; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W17009; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1992; Miller, C.W. Franklin, 807; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 25557.
71. A Narrative of the Late Massacres (Inscribed: From James Pemberton to William Cobbett) Inscribed: From James Pemberton to William Cobbett. Generally attributed to Benjamin Franklin. Ascribed to the press of Franklin and Hall by Miller on the basis of the typeface used. Evans, Hildeburn, and P.L. Ford suggest Anthony Armbruster as printer. Sabin says "Written and printed by Franklin." Signatures: A-B? (B8 verso blank). Evans, C. American bibliography, 9667; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W17009; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1992; Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 272; Miller, C.W. Franklin, 807; Howes, W. U.S.iana (2nd ed.), F327; Sabin 25557.
72. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 17, 1760
73. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, December 20, 1761
74. A New Song in High Vogue in Northampton County
75. Observations on a Late "Epitaph"
76. The Paxton Boys: a Farce
77. The Paxton Expedition
78. The Paxtoniade
79. Petition of the Inhabitants of Lancaster County
80. The Plain Dealer, Numb. I
81. The Plain Dealer, Numb. II Numb. II. Mistakenly attributed by Evans to Hugh Williamson, author of numbers 1 and 3. Cf. the Advertisement in number 3, where it is stated: The author of this is obliged to the gentleman, who wrote the piece which was published on Teusday [sic], by the title of Plain dealer, no. 2. As his endeavours to prevent the people from being deceived by the chicane of a faction, prove him to be a friend to the oppress'd inhabitants of this province. Dated May 7, 1764. Imprint supplied by Evans. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9877; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W15609; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2086.
82. The Plain Dealer, Numb. III
83. Proceedings at a Council Held at Fort George (January 9, 1764) Proceedings. Present Lieut.-Gov. Cadwallader Colden, [Daniel] Horsmanden, [William] Smith, Mr. [John, Watts, Mr. [William] Walton, [William Alexander,] Earl of Stirling; attacks on the Indians by settlers near Lancaster, Pennsylvania; peaceable Indians, on an island in Schuylkill near Philadelphia, molested; Gov. Penn wishes the Indians removed to New York; the Council disapproves and advises governor of New York, not to receive them. Attested copy, signed by Gw. [Goldsborow] Banyar. Endorsed: "Minutes inclosed in Gov. Colden's Letter of Jan. 1764. (Read in Council 16th Jany 1764)."
84. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
85. The Quaker Unmasked Defending the Paxton Boys; also suggesting that the Quakers were enamored of both Indian squaws and Indian trade. Cf. Dictionary of American biography. Signed on p. 13: Philopatrius. Second-Street, Philadelphia, February 18, 1764. Attributed to David James Dove in the Dictionary of American biography. "Postscript."--p. 14-15. Bookseller's advertisement, p. 16. Evans, C. American bibliography, 9647; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W32375; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 1982 1982.
86. The Quaker Vindicated
87. The Quakers Assisting to Preserve the Lives of the Indians
88. The Quakers Assisting to Preserve the Lives of the Indians (No. II)
89. The Quakers Grace, Prayer, and Thanksgiving
90. Remarks on the Quaker Unmasked
91. Remarks upon "The Delineated Presbyterian Played Hob With"
92. A Scene in the First Act of the New Farce
93. A Serious Address (First Edition)
94. A Serious Address (Second Edition)
95. A Serious Address (Fourth Edition) A Serious address, to such of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, as have connived at, or do approve of, the late massacre of the Indians at Lancaster; or the design of killing those who are now in the barracks at Philadelphia. : The demand for this piece has been so great, that this fourth edition is call'd for in a few days! To which is now added, a dialogue between Andrew Trueman and Thomas Zealot, about the killing the Indians at Connestogoe and Lancaster. (An excellent piece!)
96. Sir William Johnson to Gov. John Penn, February 9, 1764 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
97. The Squabble (First Edition) A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. Ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans. English short title catalogue (ESTC), W29925; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2065; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time,, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 159; Wegelin, O. Early American poetry, 789.
98. The Squabble (Second Edition) Second Edition. A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. The second edition is ascribed to the press of Anthony Armbruster by Evans 9564 and 9565. Signatures: A?. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography. English short title catalogue (ESTC), W41575; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 158.
99. The Squabble (Third Edition) Printed from the First Edition (Third Edition Inferred). A political satire on affairs in Pennsylvania. Parentheses substituted for square brackets in imprint transcription. Date of publication supplied by Evans 9564 and 9565. "Frontispiece" on p. [4] is of "Thyrsis, with a Pr*sb*t*rian nose. Corin, with a Q**k*ronian nose." Evans, C. American bibliography, 9565; English short title catalogue (ESTC), W29926; Hildeburn, C.R. Pennsylvania, 2066 2066; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time,, 89940; Stoddard, R.E. A bibliographical description of books and pamphlets of American verse printed from 1610 through 1820, 160; Wegelin, O. Early American poetry, 790.
100. The Substance of a Council Held at Lancaster
101. Thomas Penn to John Penn, December 10, 1763 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
103. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
104. Various Memoranda, 1760
105. What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander Satirical epitaph on Benjamin Franklin written by Hugh Williamson. Cf. Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 1889, entry 997. Signatures: A4 (A4 verso blank). Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Bristol, R.P. Supplement to Charles Evans' American bibliography; Shipton, C.K. National index of American imprints through 1800. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455.
106. What is Sauce for a Goose is also Sauce for a Gander (LCP copy) Satirical epitaph on Benjamin Franklin written by Hugh Williamson. Cf. Ford, P.L. Franklin bibliography, 1889, entry 997. Signatures: A4 (A4 verso blank). Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Bristol, R.P. Supplement to Charles Evans' American bibliography; Shipton, C.K. National index of American imprints through 1800. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455. Not in: Evans, C. American bibliography; Sabin, J. Dictionary of books relating to America from its discovery to the present time, 104455.
107. William Patterson to Israel Pemberton, June 10, 1771
Contents of this path:
2. Deed from Indians on the Susquehanna (1700)
3. Excerpts from the Minutes of the Board of Property, 1727-37 Includes a true copy of a letter from James Logan to Joseph Wheeler concerning purchases from Native Americans. Three excerpts, in the same secretarial hand. Watermark: WW (ligature) / Postal Horn in shield. Cf. Gravell, Foreign Watermarks, #714-715, (Philadelphia, 1764). These excerpts might have been prepared to demonstrate the settlers' interest in the Delaware lands prior to the Walking Purchase. The first two excerpts concern the case of two Upper Forks traders, Nicholas Dupui and Daniel Broadhead, who battled for exclusive rights to the upper Delaware Indian trade. Both tried to ally themselves with the Delaware sachem Lapowinzo. In a meeting with Thomas Penn, Dupui showed the proprietor a petition signed by Lapowinzo and forged marks of other Delawares, asserting that Broadhead's April 5, 1737 land warrant for six hundred acres should be recalled since he "had done them much wrong." Dupui, meanwhile, "had been their trusty and loving friend" which the Delawares rewarded by the same tract of land. The petition's author was Dupui. The proprietor summoned Broadhead who happened to be in Philadelphia. Under the cross-examination, Lapowinzo said Dupui told him that he must sign the petition, although he had nothing against Broadhead of his claims; other Delawares never signed it.
4. Letter to Governor Penn, March 22, 1732/3 Signed: "Tattemy." Signature and the body of the petition are in the same hand. Docketed on the fold: No. 8; "24th March 1732 Tattemy an Indian." Watermark: Royal arms under Garter, with motto and buckle. Cf. Gravell, Foreign watermarks, # 606, 1746; not an exact match; the Gravell's sample has S.C. on the bottom of the shield). "That your Pettioner being a Native of This Cuntrey and Have Taken a Great deal of Pains and Industery to Make a plantation on Hoping that yr Honnneur will be pleased to Give me a Grant for the said Lands which I suppose may contain about Three hundred Acres on the forks of Dillaware and William Allen and Irishman Longhorn know my Behaviour and the place and your Pettioners as In duly Bound shall for Ever pray. " A warrant for the survey was issued on December 30, 1736 and a patent to "Tundy Tetamy one of our Indian Friends was granted by the proprietaries on April 28, 1738. Tatamy's application was endorsed by Jeremiah Langhorne and William Allen (Northeastern Indian Lives, 1732-1816), p. 259. Cf. Tatamy was the first Native American to own land in accordance with English law. In 1733, while Delawares generally were negotiating for goods and using land as capital or skins as medium of exchange, Tatamy applied for "a piece of land of about 300 Acres on the forks of the Delaware" (Harper, Promised Land, 88 citing James Steele letter book in HSP) The petition might have been retained in order to prove that Tatamy, a Delaware, acknowledge the Penns' rights over the land in the forks.
5. Goods received, September 7, 1732 Left side: the list of goods and moneys to be paid. With the note, in Thomas Penn's hand: Stenton, September 7. 1732: "I promise to deliver to Sasoonan & al the Goods mentioned in the above list; within nine months after the date hereof as also the fifty pounds with these mentioned. Right side: Stenton, Sept. 7, 1732. "Paid to Sassoman;" list of goods marked off in pen and pencil; "Rec'd the 7th day of September. The Several goods mentioned in the second column in part of those promised me by Thomas Penn in the first Column and also twenty pounds in parr of ye said fifty. Signed by Sasonan, Alalapis, Pesqueetan, Mayeemo "his mark." Witnesses: James Logan; James Steele, John Wray. Docket label: List of Sassonman's Goods in 1732 Rec'd. In the same hand below: No. 7. Watermark: C.A.W. / Pro Patria; with hat on the tip of the spear. Cf. similar watermark on Plan for rebuilding Magdalen College, 1720s, by Sir James Burrough, (The Architectural Drawings of Magdalen College, Oxford, p. 1). No No exact match in Gravell; cf. # 32 (with AW in Pro Patria, 1765). The unpublished appendix to the treaty negotiated by Thomas Penn and signed on September 7, 1732. The deal opened land along the Schuylkill River watershed between the Lehigh Hills and the Kittatiny Mountains and enlarged Bucks, Philadelphia, and Lancaster Counties. (Cf. Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 1, pp. 344-47).
6. Notes to James Steel, ca. 1732-35
7. Map of the Delaware River, ca. 1735 This manuscript map was probably drawn for a 1732 deed. Nicholas Scull, the first deputy surveyor for Philadelphia (1719) and Bucks County (1733); handled land disputes in Delaware Water Gap; he was was part of the surveying that precipitated the Walking Purchase. He later served as the Philadelphia County sheriff (1744-1746) and the province's Surveyor General (1748), author of published maps of Philadelphia region; member of the Junto; fluent in the Lenape language.
8. Minutes of Contracts In Conestoga Manor, 1737-1760 Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
9. Letter to the Lenape Chiefs, May 20, 1740 Letter concerns an attack on a settler named Henry Webb by a Native American named Awannemeak near Menesinck. Watermark: Post Horn, in shield, with bell / C&I Honig. No exact match in Gravell, cf. # 369. Docketed: "Governor Thomas To Awannemeak's Indian King at Asopus" and "No. 49." Regarding the assault on Nicholas Webb. Published, as recorded in the minutes: Minutes of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania , vol. 4 (Harrisburg, 1851): 420; Pennsylvania Archives, 4th ser., vol. 1: Papers of the Governors, 1681-1747 (Harrisburg, Pa., 1900): 725-727.
10. Letter to Governor Thomas, January 3, 1741 The date is indicated as January 3, 1740/41, in reference to the March Julian year that began on March 25. Appeal in response to "a complaint made that I let up the Indians for to do mischiefe or make Difficulties or amoung the Peoples the Inhabetants of this Province." The author Jacob Sebring (Seabring or Seaberring) rejects the complaint and reports that the Delawares "tould me that Mr. Penn had taken their Land against their will and Settled a People upon it, that abused them so that they would live so no longer." He also reports that he had written a formal complaint on behalf of the Delawares to Jeremiah Langhorne and criticizes his accuser, "John Mccahon" who had been caught unlawfully detaining and abusing two Lenape young men. Watermark: Royal Arms under Garter / GR Cf. Grenell, Foreign watermarks, # 290-291. Cf: Alfred Mathews, History of Wayne, Pike, and Monroe Counties, Pennsylvania (R.T. Peck & Co., 1886): 29-30, referencing a memorandum of "two letters to Jeremiah Langhorne," from "sundry Indians, dated Nov. 21, 1740 and Jan. 3, 1741, which was "referred to in Minutes, March 26, 1741." The memorandum was found in the collection of James "Logan's manuscripts in possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania." "The scribe for the Indians was Jacob Sebring," who was "arrested by the Sheriff of Bucks County for serving them in that capacity." Cf. Delawares to Jeremiah Langhorne, Smithfield, January 3, 1741. HSP, Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, vol. 4. Cf. "A Letter to the Governor from the same Indians and the like purpose [i.e. seizure of land in Bucks county] Dated Jan. 3rd. 1740-1," mentioned in the Minutes of the of the Provincial Council March 26, 1741, in: Minutes of the Provincial Council. vol. 4 (Harrisburg, 1851): p. 481
11. Letter to Governor Thomas (attestation), January 3, 1741 A letter attesting to the character of Jacob Seaberring; signed by Jacob Kuykendall, Abraham van Campen, Nicholas Dupui and Jacobus Kuykendall. Signed: Jacob Knykendal; Abraham Scampen justice, Nicolas Dupui, Jacobus kuy kendael," i.e. Jacob Kuykendall, Abraham van Campen, Nicholas Dupui, and Jacobus Kuykendall. Watermark: Royal arms under Garter / PL ligature. No exact match in Gravell; Cf. #546 (Northampton, Pa., 1763). Docketed (in the same hand; on facing folds: Letter from the Indians to the Govr. Jan. 3rd 1740/31 referred to in the minutes of March 26 1741" and "Character of Jacob Seaberring 30 Jan. 1740." "The Character of Jacob Seaberring is such that he has always been very true and honest both to King and Country and that we have found great benefit by him." Sebring's accuser came into the country a Servant and Run away from his Masters amongst the Indians and their lived as an Indian many years and at last he could live no longer in peace and quietness for his Rogery, and falseness to them so then being forced to come down amongest the Inhabitants, and married a woman and has lived on idle life all his life time he has never done good for king or country and even for himself."
12. Letter to the Allegheny Chiefs, October 20, 1741
13. Tract of Land Situated in Conestoga Manor (January 18, 1752) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
14. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, March 28, 1753
15. Edward Shippen to William Allen, June 17, 1755
16. Timothy Horsfield to William Parsons, December 14, 1755
17. Proclamation of Peace, August 3, 1756
18. Memoranda, 1756 to 1761
19. Account of the Indian Complaints, 1756
20. Friends' Address to the Governor, April 1756
21. Conversation with the Indians, April 19, 1756
22. Christopher Towne to Israel Pemberton, April 25, 1756
23. Memorandum of an Account of the Indian Nicodemus, June 30, 1756
24. Letter to Richard Peters, December 11, 1756 A summary or a precis of a letter from Thomas Penn to an identified recipient, perhaps Richard Peters. Mentions William Denny, Thomas Pownall, Benjamin Franklin and his instructions from the General Assembly, loss of Oswego; men raised in Pennsylvania "for the American Regiments;" the fate of Shirley's and Pepperell's regiments; John Stanwix; the news of the John Armstrong's expedition against Kittanning received by the Duke of Cumberland; "Parson Barton," (i.e. Thomas Barton), the supply bill; provincial elections; Loudoun's decision to quarter the regular troops in Philadelphia, "Land Tax" issue, etc.
26. Passport for Joseph Peepy and Lewis Montour, January 9, 1757
27. John Ross to Richard Peters (February 24, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
28. Hyder deposition, March 1, 1757
29. Marshall deposition, March 1, 1757
30. Brown deposition, March 5, 1757
31. Smith deposition, March 15, 1757
33. George Stevenson Letter (April 12, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
34. Message to the Delaware, May 1, 1757
36. George Croghan to Timothy Horsfield, May 24, 1757
37. George Stevenson Letter (May 28, 1757) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
38. Conference between Croghan and Teedyuscung, August 1, 1757
39. Garrison at Fort Halifax, August 1, 1757
40. Terms sent to Teedyuscung, August 1, 1757 The terms offered a public reading of the Walking Purchase deed in lieu of an inquiry by Sir William Johnson. Rough minutes of a conference between Teedyuscung and George Croghan. Added in a different hand: "Upon the Conversation, Mr. Croghan & Mr. Weiser at this instance came to the Governor & Mr. Croghan gave it as his opinion that if Governor" would let "Teedyuscung & some of his Cronies" to see the documents, it would "sate" Teedyuscung that would go "in his proceedings no further."
41. Budge and Biddle depositions, August 2, 1757 The deposition by Christian Budge and Edward Biddle who testified "that as We were standing by Nicholas Scull's House in this Town, King Teedyuscung with several Indians came there; that Mr. Israel Pemberton took the King by the Hand and went into Mr. Scull's House with him." On verso: 1757, Feb. 21. Draft of the summons from the "Committee appointed to inquire of Indian Complaints against this Government," to Edward Marshall, John Hyder, and Timothy Smith. Apparently, the draft was used as scrap paper to record Busse's and Biddle's deposition.
42. Croghan and Weiser despositions, August 2, 1757
43. Shoemaker and Drake depositions, August 2, 1757
44. Account of the Indian reaction to Teedyuscung, August 3, 1757 "Note, signed by Thomas Morrison and Conrad Weiser, describing the ""rest of Indians"" who ""Murmoured against Teediskon."" Added, in pencil: ""Teed did not like the 6 Nations laughing at him."" With: Denny, William. To ""Gentlemen."" 1757, July 11. Draft of the letter to ""a deputation of the Society of Friends expressing the displeasure of the Proprietaries at their interference in treaties with the Indians."" The draft was apparently used as scrap paper."
45. Letter to Richard Peters, August 3, 1757 "Sir, I have Sent one Henry Deigenhart with letters from Carlisle to his Honour the Governor; as I understand both, Colonel Stanwix & Lieu. Col. Armstrong gave orders to the Post to get them sent to Easton. The Answers may be here by Saturday Morning, Time enough to be sent to Carlisle by the next Post. The Bearer is to have Thirty Shillings, which I make no Doubts, Sir, you will be so good as to sea he gets, as you were so kind as to get the Express from hence paid last week. Pray be so kind as to let me know whether it will be proper to let the Pacquets from Carlisle to the Govenor or yourself be carried to Philadelphia or whether it will be best to send them to Easton. The Bearer begs that he may not be obliged to bear his own expenses at Easton, as he thinks thirty shillings very low for riding so far Express. P.S. The Philadelphia Lawyers, I hear will not come over from Lancaster next week, to our Court, being afraid of losing their scalps if they should attempt. I am very much hurryd just now, preparing for the Term approaching."
46. Memorandum on Easton, August 3, 1757
47. Extracts from a journal, August 7-8, 1757
48. Letter to Governor Denny, August 12, 1757 Signed autograph letter. James Young, the Commissary of the Muster and paymaster of William Denny's Pennsylvania Regiment, complains about recalcitrant "Commissioners" of the General Assembly who have been refusing to appropriate the money "til they were assured they had had the duty they were engage'd," citing "great Complaints" that "the troops did not Range to the Enemy's Country, and the they were within One hundred miles of what was Commonly call'd For Duquesne, they never could learnt in Two Years, whether there was any such Fort there or no." As the Commissioners were "assured" that the men "they did not do their duty, the only Method they had to Compell them to it, or to make them leave the Service, was by detaining their pay from them."
49. Hyndshaw deposition, August 31, 1757 A corrected draft. The immediate record of the affidavit of James Hyndshaw, "of County of Northampton & Lieutenant of the First Battalion or ye Pennsylvania regiment," before William Allen. Hyndshaw testified of a "Close Conference" between "People called Quakers belonging to ye said Province but chiefly from Philadelphia," including Israel Pemberton and Isaac Norris, and Teeduyscung. Cf. published text: Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 3 pp. 263-264.
50. Lisle deposition, August, 1757
52. Weiser deposition, September 24, 1757
53. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, and Lyell depositions, September 1757 A corrected draft. Docketed, in the same hand: "Dr. Affidavits of Mr. Allen, Mr. Hamilton, R. Peters, & Mr. Lyell." Peters testified, "on his oath," that he had found "Papers and Writings purporting to be a copy of an Original Deed for lands purchased by ye late Proprietor William Penn, Esq. from ye Delaware Indians, situated in & near ye Forks of ye River Delaware, bearing date ye 20th Day of August Anno Domini 1686 & of which now produced copy." Peters also testified that the copy "annexed" was "a true Transcript carefully compared & examined by ye Deponent with the ancient Copy."
54. Allen, Hamilton, Peters and Denny depositions, October 1757
55. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, Scull, and Denny depositions (fair copy), December 6, 1757
56. Allen, Hamilton, Peters, Scull, and Denny depositions (heavily corrected), December 6, 1757
57. Letter to Governor Denny, December 8, 1757
58. Letter to Conrad Weiser, December 24, 1757 "To be delivered to his Honor the Governor per Insign Martin (?)" Docketed: "24 December 1757 James Read with 3 Indians." Regarding "three Indians to wit, John Jacob, David, and James, a lad of about 13 years," all "Delawares one in Teedious Kon's son" to be escorted to William Denny to Philadelphia "gratifying their Inclination." With: Weiser, Conrad. To William Denny. Note informing Denny of the Delawares' arrival; "Jordyn (?) Eberhard, Martin, and a serjeant of Mass. Company came with them."
59. Peters deposition, 1757
60. Abstract of a bill (Penn v. Baltimore), ca. 1757 Manuscript bound with string. A copy concerning the Pennsylvania and Maryland boundary dispute. In secretarial hand, with broad margins, with manicules and cross-references. Docketed: "Penn v. Baltimore. Copy of the dispute in 1685. Loebbs (?) Br[ief]. of Bill & Answers." Record of the depositions of William Penn and Lord Baltimore before the Board of Trade, during the arbitration over their dispute over the three lower counties on the Delaware. The Board ruled in Penn's favor. (For the ruling, see Papers of William Penn vol. 3, p. 10). This copy was most likely made during the 1757 investigation. Cf. HSP. Penn family papers (Collection 0485A). Series VII: Penn v. Baltimore, vol. 1 (1606-1732). Unpublished.
61. Copy of the alleged 1686 treaty, ca. 1757 A true copy of the allegedly lost 1686 Walking Purchase Treaty; the main document justifying the Walking Purchase. This copy was most likely produced by Richard Peters' office in 1757. Marked "Copia vera" on the bottom; with two blank spaces left unfilled in the text. Secretarial hand, the same as on No. 1. Watermark: Post horn / Wendelin Riehel / 4 WR / WW countermark. Cf. Grenell, Foreign Watermarks, #714-715; Philadelphia, 1764. The replica of the "antient" copy of the allegedly lost deed that entitled the Proprietor to a tract of land "back into the woods as far as a man can goe in a day and a half" and the main document justifying the Walking Purchase. Copy of the incomplete deed August 25 1686, most likely produced by Richard Peters' office in 1757. Cf. Alden T. Vaughan, Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and laws, 1607-1789. Vol. 1: Pennsylvania and Delaware Treaties, 1629-1737 (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979), pp. p. 80, 476; after: Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. 13, pp. 465-466; the published text is a recap of a summary rather than the full text. Cf. Sir William Johnson's report to the Board of Trade, Aug. 1, 1762, in: The Papers of Sir William Johnston, vol. 3, p. 840. Cf. manuscript copies in HSP: Board of Trade Papers, Proprietaries, 1697-1776, XXI-1, Ind X., 12 Doc. (b) and in Penn Mss., Indian Affairs, IV.
62. Excerpt from August 24, 1737 Minutes, ca. 1757 In secretarial hand. Watermark: Royal Arms under Garter / GR under crown. Cf. Gravell, 1755. Cf. Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 1, pp. 539-543; William Joseph Buck. History of the Indian Walk: Performed for the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania in 1737, to which is Appended a Life of Edward Marshall (Edwin S. Stuart, 1886): 69-70. The minutes of meeting of the Provincial Council, a day before the conference between the Penn brothers and the Delaware chiefs in Stenton. Thomas Penn reported on the previous conferences with the Indians "to adjust some Matters relating to Lands lying in the Country of Bucks which tho formerly fully and absolutely released by the Indians then inhabiting those Parts to his Father yet they had of late made some claims to them." Most likely, the excerpt was prepared in the course of the 1757 investigation.
63. Misc. manuscripts and fragments, ca. 1757-62 Miscellaneous manuscripts and fragments. First Meeting" and "2nd Meeting." List of names: Sergeant, Patterson, Biddle, Sutherland, Duane, Galt, Earle, Macary, Randall, B.C.; Sergt. Newbold, C.J. Ingersoll, Kane, Earle, Jack, Lehman. "Memorandum in Book C. 190." Wrapper, docketed: "Conrad Weiser's Affidavit proving the Execution of Two Deeds from the 5 Nations in 1736 for Lands in Susquehanna & the Forks & their Petition to the Proprietors not to buy any Land from the Delawares.
64. George Stevenson Letter (January 16, 1758) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
65. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, April 13, 1758
66. Robert Strettell to Timothy Horsfield, April 14, 1758
67. Journal of Christian Frederick Post, June 20, 1758
68. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, August 18, 1758
69. Israel Pemberton to Charles Read, September 10, 1758
70. Speech on behalf of the Delaware Indians, September 18, 1758 Watermark: Royal arms under Garter / GR under crown in cartouche. Docketed: "an old Indian Speech." No. 39. Docketed on P. 4: "Part of Genl. Indians speech at Easton." Contemporaneous record of the famous speech, in Conrad Weiser's hand. This is the fourth known copy. Cf. copies in: HSP, Penn. Mss. Indian Affairs, V, 63; the Chatham Papers (PRO, 30/8, 96, ff. 108, 154-55, attached to Thomas Penn's letter to William Pitt of February 3, 1759), and PHMC, Provincial papers, XXVII, 69; enclosed in Weiser's letter to Richard Peters of November 15, 1758. Ackawonothio, or Anacatotha was a a Shawnee or Delaware chief who earlier lived in Wyoming Valley. Published, after the HSP copy, in: Alden T. Vaughan, Early American Indian Documents: Treaties and laws, 1607-1789. Vol. 3: Pennsylvania Treaties, 1756-1757 (Washington, D.C.: University Publications of America, 1979), p. 425.
71. Peters and Scull depositions, December 30, 1758
72. General Forbes to Israel Pemberton, January 15, 1759
73. Samuel Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, January 31, 1759
74. Petition to the King, February 2, 1759 A contemporary copy, marked: "Copie." Watermark: Royal arms / GR under crown. This is the fifth copy of the petition. Cf. a draft at the American Antiquarian society and three contemporary copies at HSP. Published: Petition to the King in Council, [2 February 1759]," Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-08-02-0070. [Original source: The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 8, April 1, 1758, through December 31, 1759, ed. Leonard W. Labaree. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1965, pp. 264–276.
75. James Kenny to Israel Pemberton, February 12, 1759
76. George Stevenson Letter (March 2, 1759) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
77. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, March 27, 1759
78. Samuel Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, May 16, 1759
79. James Kenny to Israel Pemberton, June 19, 1759
80. Israel Pemberton to John Stanwix, August 24, 1759
82. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (December 29, 1759) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
83. Response to Thomson's pamphlet, 1759
84. Criticism of Benjamin Franklin's Historical Review [Thomas Penn?] This manuscript offers a critique of A Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of Pennsylvania (1759). A Historical review was anonymously published, but it has been credited to either Benjamin Franklin or Richard Jackson. Written in the wake of the politically divisive 1750s, the pamphlet attacked the proprietors of Pennsylvania and the proprietary nature of the colonial government and defended the actions of the Assembly and Quaker Party during the Seven Years' War. The manuscript in the APS's vault was written in 1759 or 1760, likely in London. It defends the proprietor and the government in general. Largely unknown to historians, this manuscript provides insight into the deep political divisions within colonial Pennsylvania by offering a clear view into the beliefs of the proprietors and the proprietary party. The anonymous author of the work is almost certainly Thomas Penn. The manuscript was never published.
85. Various Memoranda, 1760
86. Letter Concerning Conestoga Manor (January 18, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
87. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (January 24, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
88. George Stevenson Letter (February 2, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
89. George Stevenson to Richard Peters and Richard Hockley (April 23, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
90. George Stevenson Letter (April 24, 1760) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
91. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, May 16, 1760
92. Account of the Return of Three White Prisoners, May 20, 1760
93. Isaac Whitelock to Israel Pemberton, June 6, 1760
94. Israel Pemberton, Captive Inquiry As the French and Indian Wars wind down, The Commissioners for Indian Affairs are negotiating to secure the release of the white settlers that are still being held prisoners by the Indians. However even before a general Treaty, Trustees of the Mennonite Church are attempting to accelerate this release by offering the Indians 'presents' if they would escort the white prisoners from their lands to Pittsburgh. This gesture is to be considered payment for the cost and inconvenience to the Indians for this journey, and not as a ransom for releasing the white prisoners...Letter written by Israel Pemberton addressed to the Indian Affairs Commission inquiring about an agreement to instruct agents in Indian towns along the frontier to look into how many captives are in each town, and their physical descriptions. He also implores the commission to ask the agents to make inquiries to the "dispositions" of the Indians holding captives, as well as their readiness to accept ransom in exchange for release of captives.
95. Nathaniel Holland to Friend, August 21, 1760
96. Christopher Schultze to Israel Pemberton, August 29, 1760
97. John and Richard Penn to the Friendly Association, September 5, 1760
98. Benjamin Lightfoot to Israel Pemberton, September 7, 1760
99. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 17, 1760
100. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, October 16, 1760
101. List of Goods Applied to Indians (1761) The Friendly Association, short for "The Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures”, was established by a group of eminent Philadelphia Quakers in 1756. The group formed in reaction to months of horrific violence between settlers, mostly Scots-Irish and German, and Native Americans on the Pennsylvania frontier. The leaders of the Friendly Association endeavored to establish lasting and productive peace with the Native American tribes of Pennsylvania [mostly Lenape, Susquehannock], and as a consequence prove the effectiveness of Quaker pacifism. This digital record contains images that depict the entire contents of folder 13, held in box 18 of the Cox-Parrish-Wharton papers.
102. George Stevenson to Richard Peters (March 14, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
103. George Stevenson to Richard Peters Concerning Blue Rock Plantation (March 14, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
104. Report of the Easton Conference, August 1761
105. Christian Frederick Post to Israel Pemberton, August 8, 1761
106. George Stevenson to Richard Peters and Richard Hockley (August 10, 1761) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
107. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, August 29, 1761
109. Timothy Horsfield to James Hamilton, September 3, 1761
110. Edward Shippen to [William Allen?], September 15, 1761
111. Papunehan to Israel Pemberton, September 15, 1761
112. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, September 30, 1761
113. Governor Hamilton to Papunehan, October 12, 1761
114. Message to the Governor, October 12, 1761
115. Nathaniel Holland to Israel Pemberton, December 20, 1761
116. Account of presents sent to Pittsburgh, 1762
117. Indenture For Lease of Blue Rock Farm (March 29, 1762) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
119. Peters deposition, May 28, 1762
120. Account of a conversation between Joseph Fox and the Governor, June 21, 1762
121. Speeches to the Indians at Easton, June 22, 1762 A draft of the account of Sir William Johnson's and Israel Pemberton's speeches to the Indians at Easton. "At 5 O'Clock Sir William Johnson by a Messenger gave us Notice that he had appointed the Indians [added in different hand: which had been prepared to hold the conference in] to meet him the Bowery within an hour when he intended to speak to them. We attended and Sir William Johnson made a Speech at them, the substance of which was as follows." [note on the margin] That it was injust to deny Teedy. a clerk which was his national right that he had as much right to app. a clerk as Sir William upon which Mr. Marsh said that he was not appointed Secretary by Sir W. but the King. Cf. Papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. 3, 762-771. "Sir William then asked Israel Pemberton 'what right he had to interpose in this matter, and said that, He was, by the Royal Order, to hear the Complaints of the Indians, and the Proprietaries Defence, and that no other person had any right to Intermeddle. That the Governor, and the Proprietary-Commissioners who were, by did not at all interfere. Israel insolently answer'd that He was a Freeman and had as much Right to speak as the Governor. That it was injust to deny Teeduyscung a Clerk which was his natural right. Upon which Mr. March said, that he was not appointed Secretary by Sir William but by the King. Mr. Marsh is Witham Marsh, Secretary for Indian Affairs.
122. Proceedings at Easton, June 22, 1762
123. Present at Easton, June 22, 1762
124. Account of the conversation between Galloway and Chew, June 24, 1762
125. Extracts from the alleged 1686 diary, June 1762 A corrected draft; the excerpts were used by the Proprietors' lawyers to prove the authenticity of the 1686 treaty. Endorsed as follows: "Examined & compared to William Markham's old Diary W. Peters and Richard Peters." Heavily edited draft of the alleged excerpt from the "antient" diary of William Markham for August 9-27, 1686. The excerpt was used by the proprietors' lawyers to prove the authenticity of the 1686 "treaty." Watermark: Royal arms under Garter/GR under crown, same as the copia vera of the 1686 treaty.
126. Papers respecting Teedyuscung's complaint, June 1762
127. Francis Alison Sermons (1763) Record Group 294 consists of Alison's sermons, miscellaneous manuscripts, and miscellaneous items; also included are some family documents. Francis Alison, born in Ireland, 1705. He studied at the University of Glasgow before travelling to America in 1735. In 1737 he became pastor of Pennsylvania's New London Presbyterian Church. Ten years later he opened an academy in New London. Students included three signers of the Declaration of Independence and the Secretary of the Second Continental Congress. In 1752 Alison moved to Philadelphia to take charge of the Philadelphia Academy. He was later appointed Vice-Provost of the newly established University of Pennsylvania, as well as Professor of Moral Philosophy. He was also assistant minister at the First Presbyterian Church. Alison died in 1779.
128. James Burd Diary at Fort Augusta James Burd was well-known in colonial Pennsylvania through his role in the French and Indian War, as well as his connections to many of the colony's leading families (most notably the Shippen family). This diary from the summer of 1763 documents Burd's time at Fort Augusta. It recounts the opening of Pontiac's Rebellion and the initial reports of the Indian raid on the Connecticut settlers in the Wyoming Valley.
129. Andrew Tail Bond (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
130. George Stevenson Letter (January 19, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
131. Robert Beaty to Richard Hockley and William Peters (January 22, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
132. John Mitchel to William Peters ( March 14, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
133. Samuel Nelson to William Peters (March 24, 1763) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
134. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, June 6, 1763
135. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, June 13, 1763
136. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, June 27, 1763
137. Thomas McKee to James Burd, July 9, 1763
138. Commission for Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
139. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 11, 1763
140. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 21, 1763
141. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, June 23, 1763
142. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 25, 1763
143. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 26, 1763
144. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, July 27, 1763
145. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 30, 1763
147. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, August 15, 1763
148. Petition to James Hamilton, August 17, 1763
149. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, August 19, 1763
150. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, August 31, 1763
151. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, September 1, 1763
152. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, September 3, 1763
153. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, September 15, 1763
154. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, September 20, 1763
155. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, October 10, 1763
156. James Hamilton to Timothy Horsfield, October 13, 1763
157. Adam Bernard Grube to Timothy Horsfield, October 13, 1763
158. Joseph Shippen Jr. to James Burd, October 21, 1763
159. Edward Shippen to Governor James Hamilton, October 29, 1763
160. John Penn to Timothy Horsfield, November 14, 1763
162. Province Island Diary (December 1, 1763 - January 4, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
163. Thomas Penn to John Penn, December 10, 1763 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
164. Edward Shippen to John Elder, December 16, 1763
165. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, December 19, 1763
167. Account for Maintaining Indians at Lancaster, December 27, 1763
168. Account of the Indian murders, December 27, 1763
169. The Congregational Diary of Lancaster Moravian Church, December 27-28 , 1763
170. Letter from Matthaus Hehl to the Church Leadership, December 29, 1763
171. Epistle from Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, 1764
172. Apology of the Paxton Volunteers
173. Petition of the Inhabitants of Lancaster County
174. Letter from Albrecht Ludolph Russmeyer to Nathanael Seidel, January 2, 1764
175. Joseph Shippen Jr. to Colonel James Burd, January 3, 1764
176. Diary of the Indian Gemeinlein on Pilgrimage (January 4-17, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
177. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia (January 5 - April 3, 1765) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
178. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, January 5, 1764
179. Proceedings at a Council Held at Fort George (January 9, 1764) Proceedings. Present Lieut.-Gov. Cadwallader Colden, [Daniel] Horsmanden, [William] Smith, Mr. [John, Watts, Mr. [William] Walton, [William Alexander,] Earl of Stirling; attacks on the Indians by settlers near Lancaster, Pennsylvania; peaceable Indians, on an island in Schuylkill near Philadelphia, molested; Gov. Penn wishes the Indians removed to New York; the Council disapproves and advises governor of New York, not to receive them. Attested copy, signed by Gw. [Goldsborow] Banyar. Endorsed: "Minutes inclosed in Gov. Colden's Letter of Jan. 1764. (Read in Council 16th Jany 1764)."
180. John Whitmer to William Peters (January 16, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
182. Travel Diary of the little Indian Gemeine (January 18 - 24, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
183. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Original Draft (March 1 - October 27, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
185. Diary of the Indian Gemeine in the Barracks in Philadelphia, Final Draft (January 24 - December 31, 1764) Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration."
186. John Penn to William Murray (January 29, 1764)
187. Thomas Gage to Cadwallader Colden (January 30, 1764)
188. Sir William Johnson to Gov. John Penn, February 9, 1764 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
189. Benjamin Franklin to Richard Jackson, February 11, 1764
190. Manuscript Copy of Remonstrance, February 13, 1764 Manuscript copy of remonstrance from Matthew Smith and James Gibson to Governor John Penn. They position themselves as representatives of public opinion, submit nine points that decry the perceived underrepresentation of the western counties in the Assembly and bill changing trial location of persons charged with killing Indians, allege that Indians under government protection conspired with others to plan attacks, lament lack of public funds for the care of wounded frontier residents, request new bounties for Indian scalps, request embargo to effect return of captives, accuse private individuals of trading and treating with enemies of the province, and requests Fort Augusta garrison be ordered to take more proactive measures. Handwritten copy, perhaps draft. 13 February 1764. Gift of Paul and Judy Ware, 2009.
191. John Penn to William Johnson (Februrary 17, 1764) The Indians who were refused a passage through New York returned to Philadelphia under escort of a party of Royal Americans, by order of Gen. Gage; this guard, and the opposition apprehended from the inhabitants of the city, prevented an attack by the armed men who came from the frontiers as far as Germantown with that design; it is necessary to remove all Indians out of the Province; asks his advice as to sending them to the towns on the Susquehanna, or obtaining the consent of Gov. Colden for their passage to Albany in a sloop.
192. Jacob Whistler Letter (March 12, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
193. Thomas Penn correspondence, March 17, 1764
194. Jacob Whistler to William Peters (April 9, 1764) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
195. Circular on Royalization
196. Thomas Penn correspondence, May 5, 1764
197. Edward Shippen to Joseph Shippen, July 12, 1764
199. Thomas Penn to Sir William Johnson, September 7, 1764 Letters from Thomas Penn to nephew John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania (Dec. 10, 1763) and Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs (Sept. 7, 1763), regarding Indian disturbances and colonial administration. To his nephew, Penn praises the military response of Col. John Armstrong to Indian aggression and mentions parliamentary bills to enlarge the military and end paper money disputes with the Pennsylvania Assembly. Penn praises Johnson's handling of Indian affairs and advises him on obtaining preferment. He also discusses Johnson's plan to set a boundary line between the colonies and the Indians, and notes Pennsylvania's intention to pay the Indians for any lands lost in the demarcation.
202. Treatise on the Indians of North America (1764) Contemporary copy of a treatise by Capt. Gavin Cochrane, tracing the history of British relations with the Indians of the Great Lakes region from 1760 to 1763, and offering suggestions as to how they might be improved. Also copies of cover letters addressed to the Earl of Halifax, then a minister in Grenville's cabinet, and to George III, for whom the essay was intended. Cochrane presents the circumstances that led to Pontiac's Conspiracy; recounts the means by which individual British garrisons were overthrown; and outlines steps the British could take to secure the Indians' loyalty.
203. Journal of Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon (1765 Excerpts) Charles Mason maintained field notes throughout the nearly 5 years it took to complete his survey. The journal includes mathematical and astronomical data, as well as the daily progress of the survey. Prior to hiring Mason and Dixon to settle a boundary line once and for all, the quarreling parties of Maryland and Pennsylvania agreed that the line separating the two provinces would be run east to west along a latitudinal arc 15 miles south of Philadelphia. The entry for June 12, 1764, reveals how Mason and Dixon located the starting point of the line that would later bear their name. Based on their calculations, the point 15 miles south of the southernmost point of Philadelphia was in a field belonging to Alexander Bryan. To access the complete diary, visit https://catalog.archives.gov/id/5821514
205. John Armstrong to George Croghan, March 26, 1765
208. John Penn to Sir William Johnson, May 23, 1765 May 23, 1765, letter to Sir William Johnson, British superintendent of Indian affairs, regarding the Indian trade, and white and Indian settlement on the west branch of the Susquehanna River. Penn remarks on a trading "scheme" of Philadelphians and George Croghan (deputy superintendent of Indian affairs for the western tribes), and on his own efforts to apprehend individuals responsible for destroying goods at Sideling Hill. Penn also states that he will act to remove white settlers on the west branch of the Susquehanna until that land is purchased from the Indians and asks Johnson to prevail upon the Munsees and other tribes to avoid that region in order to prevent bloodshed.
209. John Miller and Robert Beaty Bond (April 3, 1765) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
211. Thomas Penn to John Penn, June 8, 1765
212. Thomas Penn to Benjamin Chew, July 20, 1765
213. Sir William Johnson to Gen. Thomas Gage, July 14, 1766 Miscellaneous collection of twelve letters written by Sir William Johnson between 1755 and 1773. The content of most of the correspondence relates to the French and Indian War, Indian treaties and conferences, the Conestoga Massacre (1763), land patents, and the appointment of Johnson's successor. Correspondents include: Cadwallader Colden, George Croghan, Thomas Gage, Peter Gilman, Richard Gridley, Hubert Marshall, John Penn, William Shirley, Henry VanSchaack, John Watts, and Thomas Wharton.
214. John Penn to Thomas Gage, June 28, 1765
215. Edward Shippen to James Burd, January 19, 1768
216. William Allen to High Sheriffs, January 19, 1768
217. John Armstrong to John Penn (February 7, 1768) Concerning the taking of [Frederick] Stump and his servant from jail by violence; expresses his regret at the outrage; the people acted under a misapprehension of the intentions of the authorities in taking Stump to Philadelphia; explains the sentiment of the people, who say that the government shows more concern at the killing of an Indian than at the killing of any of themselves; that the Indians have killed numbers since the last peace, and that the exposed frontier people must always suffer before the government dares to say it is war; he has argued with them that those matters have no connection with the present opposition to authority; the sheriff had feared a rescue on the road, but no one suspected an attempt on the jail; he believes they are keeping Stump somewhere beyond the mountains, and there are still expectations that he will be delivered back to the sheriff; will set out next day to cross the mountains.
218. Edward Shippen to Rev. George Craig, January 9, 1769
219. Gov. John Penn to the Wyaloosing Indians, June 29, 1769
220. Account of the Indian Conference, October 22, 1770
221. Robert Callendar to John Pemberton and Owen Jones, April 22, 1771
222. Account of Conference between the Indians and the Friendly Association, May 10, 1771
223. William Patterson to Israel Pemberton, June 10, 1771
224. The Indians' Letter to the Representatives of Pennsylvania, May 16, 1772
225. Friendly Association's Message to the Delaware Indians, August 6, 1772
226. Minutes of Conference with Jos. Peepy and Peter Harrison, November 19, 1772
227. Philadelphia Friends to Wyaloosing Indians, November 28, 1772
228. Philadelphia Friends to Wyaloosing Indians, July 8, 1773
231. Jacob Whistler Receipt in Conestoga Manor (undated) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore. For more information, visit http://www.phmc.state.pa.us/bah/dam/rg/sd/r17sdc.htm
233. William Watson to William Peters (undated) Correspondence concerned with the sale of tracts of land in Conestoga Manor located in the present Lancaster County. Information given varies among the letters. There are references to squatters occupying Conestoga Indian lands after the 1763 Conestoga Indian massacre and the occupation of a tract by Daniel McCormick as a reward for his service in arresting Thomas Cresap during the border dispute with Maryland known as "Cresap's War." Also of interest is a 1764 letter revealing crop rotation of hemp, barley, wheat, spelt, winter grain and Indian Corn on fields located near Blue Rock Ferry on the Susquehanna River. Among the names of those purchasing tracts in Conestoga Manor are Robert Beaty, George Adam Durstler, John Heer (Herr), Christian Heer(Herr), Rudy Herr, Samuel Herr, Michael Kauffman, M. Mather, John Mitchel, Abraham Miller, Jacob Miller, John Miller, Samuel Neilson, John Ross, M. Scott, Jacob Whistler, Jacob Whitman, Jacob Whitmore and John Whitmore.
234. Wyoming Petition to the Governor of Pennsylvania (undated)
235. Journal of a Settlement on the Susquehanna

Contents of this path:

Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.
Excerpt from Julia Maynard Maserjian, "Moravian Indians: A Brief Introduction." Bethlehem Digital History Project, 2000-2009. http://bdhp.moravian.edu/community_records/christianindians/narrative.html The Pennsylvania frontier recalled the violence visited upon it during the Seven Years' War. The new bloodshed brought about by Pontiac's War bore down on the western backcountry and bred a new contempt among frontiersmen toward Indians and the government to the east. These individuals saw no distinction between hostile, friendly and Christian Indians. In an attempt to protect the Moravian Indians, the government moved them from the villages of Nain and Wechquetank to Philadelphia in November of 1763. Angered by the government's protection of the Moravian Indians, while it seemed to ignore the defense of the Pennsylvania frontier, an angry band of men called the Paxton Boys visited their rage upon a small group of Conestoga Indians near Lancaster. On December 14, 1763, fifty armed men murdered six Conestoga Indians at their settlement. The remaining fourteen Indians were taken into protective custody only to be brutally murdered by the Paxtonians on December 27. Fortunately, through negotiations, attempts to make the Moravian Indians housed near Philadelphia their next target were thwarted. The dispersing of the Paxton Boys did not, however, alleviate the threat to the Moravian Indians. The Pennsylvania government tried to transfer the refugees to New York or New Jersey, but the Moravian Indians were rejected by both governments and were returned to Philadelphia where they remained confined in barracks until 1765. After their release from the barracks in Philadelphia, the missionaries and their converts, in an effort to place themselves as far away as possible from any future threats posed by white settlements, moved to the Wyalusing valley. There the second Friedenshutten was founded and would flourish until 1771. Although the Iroquois granted the land for Friedenshutten to the mission Indians in 1768, they sold the Wyalusing land to Pennsylvania in 1771. Land disputes were avoided when the Delawares of the Tuscarawas Valley offered the Christian Indians a home in Ohio. By 1773, virtually all of the Moravian Indians had moved from their various settlements to Ohio bringing an end to Moravian missions in Pennsylvania. The events of 1763 through 1765 drastically altered not only the Moravian Mission effort but also the face of Pennsylvania colonial politics. The challenges faced by the Moravian Indians during this period speak to these regional events. Like their unconverted counterparts, the Christianized Indians suffered attack, betrayal, persecution, and forced migration.